This balanced and deeply informed book provides a comprehensive account of China’s Asia policy since the Cold War. Reframing the international relations of Asia in a thought-provoking and informed manner, Lowell Dittmer presents a panoramic view of the dynamics at work on all sides of China.
Proceedings from the conference "China and Asia: Towards a New Regional Order," convened in December 2003 at The George Washington University"--Acknowledgments.
How powerful is China? Is China powerful enough to change the world? This book distinguishes between China's obviously growing economic, political and military resources, and how they are translated into actual influence over other states' choices and policies. It investigates China's influence on the small and weak developing countries in East and South Asia, where China ought to have the biggest influence. It shows that China tends to try togain the support of these countries without forcing them to change their preferences or to act against their own interests, but how much it succeeds is determined more by how these target countries' policy-makers reactand by their domestic political considerations, than by how skilful Chinese politicians or investors are. China's influence even over these weakest states is not easily achieved, suggesting that China has more difficulty exercising its newfound power in the world than we assume.
China?s ambition is to rise peacefully. Avoiding fierce conflicts with its Asian neighbors is essential to this goal. Jonathan Holslag makes a brilliant case for the geopolitical dilemma facing the rising China, and his argument that China will likely enter into major conflict with Asia is compelling and thoughtful. Both Chinese experts and decision-makers will find this book illuminating reading. Asia is set for another great power war. As China?s influence spreads beyond its territorial borders and its global aspirations gain momentum, so tensions with its neighbors are reaching breaking point. In this clear-sighted book, Jonathan Holslag debunks the myth of China?s peaceful rise, arguing instead that China?s policy of shrewd intransigence towards other Asian countries will inevitably result in serious conflict. China?s ambitions are not malicious. But what China wants ? namely to maximize its security and prosperity ? will lead to a huge power imbalance, where China towers above her neighbors, impels them into unequal partnerships, and is increasingly able to seize disputed territory. At present, China?s focused and uncompromising pursuit of its own interests is bearing fruit. Many of China?s neighbors are still too weak to counter Beijing?s influence, and China has ably exploited divisions between them to divide and rule. But several regional powers are now joining forces to stop China. With the PRC unlikely to back down and nationalism riding high, China?s coming war with Asia is already in the making.
"China", Napoleon once remarked, "is a sleeping lion. Let her sleep, for when she wakes she will shake the world." In 2014, President Xi Jinping triumphantly declared the lion had awakened. Under his leadership, China is pursuing a dream to restore its historical position as the dominant power in Asia. From the Mekong River Basin to the Central Asian steppe, China is flexing its economic muscles for strategic ends. By setting up new regional financial institutions, Beijing is challenging the post-World War II order established under the watchful eye of Washington. And by funding and building roads, railways, ports and power lines—a New Silk Road across Eurasia and through the South China Sea and Indian Ocean—China aims to draw its neighbours ever tighter into its embrace. Combining a geopolitical overview with on-the-ground reportage from a dozen countries, China’s Asian Dream offers a fresh perspective on the rise of China’ and asks: what does it means for the future of Asia?
THE ONCE AND FUTURE HEGEMON In a world bristling with dangers, only one enemy poses a truly mortal challenge to the United States and the peaceful and prosperous world that America guarantees. That enemy is China, a country that invented totalitarianism thousands of years ago whose economic power rivals our own that believes its superior race and culture give it the right to universal deference that teaches its people to hate America for standing in the way of achieving its narcissistic "dream" of world domination that believes in its manifest destiny to usher in the World of Great Harmony which publishes maps showing the exact extent of the nuclear destruction it could rain down on the United States Steven Mosher exposes the resurgent aspirations of the would-be hegemon–and the roots of China's will to domination in its five-thousand-year history of ruthless conquest and assimilation of other nations, brutal repression of its own people, and belligerence toward any civilization that challenges its claim to superiority. The naïve idealism of our "China hands" has lulled America into a fool's dream of "engagement" with the People's Republic of China and its "peaceful evolution" toward democracy and freedom. Wishful thinking, says Mosher, has blinded us to the danger we face and left the owlrd vulnerable to China's overweening ambitions. Mosher knows China as few Westerners do. Having exposed as a visiting graduate student the monstrous practice of forced abortions, he became the target of the regime's crushing retaliation. His encyclopedic grasp of China's history and its present-day politics, his astute insights, and his bracing realism are the perfect antidote for our dangerous confusion about the Bully of Asia.
The 21st Century Maritime Silk Road (MSR) can be considered as the most significant strategic outreach by China. It stretches across the large oceanic geography comprising the Western Pacific, the Indian Ocean, the Mediterranean and the North-Western Atlantic. The initiative, founded on historic recall, aims to build a flourishing multi-sectoral maritime economic network across the entire region with land corridors connecting to the terrestrial Silk Road Economic Belt (SREB). It is premised on monetary integration, infrastructure development, connectivity and, people-to-people contacts. It is also an accepted fact that such a vast enterprise would have politics and security as attendant factors. This book examines the broader strategic threads that are at play in this grand and ambitious trans-regional initiative unveiled by China.
China and India growing interests in Central Asia disrupt the traditional Russian-U.S. “Great Game” at the heart of the old continent. Though for the moment India is unable to equally compete against the Chinese presence in post-Soviet Central Asia, New Delhi is well established in Afghanistan and has begun to cast its eyes more markedly toward the north to the shores of the Caspian Sea. In the years to come, both Asian powers are looking to redeploy their rivalry on the Central Asian and Afghan theaters on a geopolitical, but also political and economic level.
This book brings together a diverse range of responses to China's Marine Silk Road Initiative, which proposes to redraw the map of Asia, particularly South Asia. China’s 21st Century Maritime Silk Road Initiative (MSRI) is a massive scheme to connect wide swaths of East, Southeast, South, and West Asia through a dense web of interconnected hard and soft infrastructure involving ports, roads, logistics facilities, special industrial zones, and free trade and investment agreements. This book will be invaluable for students of Chinese foreign security and foreign economic policy, those interested in South Asia including Indian foreign security and economic policy as well as Indian relations with China, those attentive to international economic developments in East and South Asia, and those interested in the political and economic situation in specific MSRI participant countries such as Pakistan, Maldives, and Sri Lanka as well as their political and economic relations with China.
Water-related conflicts have a long history and will continue to be a global and regional problem. Asia, with 1.5 billion of its people living in shared river basins, and with very few transboundary rivers governed by treaties, is especially prone to such conflicts. The key to mitigating transboundary water conflicts and advancing cooperation in Asia is largely in the hands of China, the upstream country for most of Asia’s major transboundary rivers. To avert the looming water crisis, apart from spending billions of dollars on domestic water transfer projects such as the South–North Water Diversion Megaproject, as well as on water conservancy and pollution abatement, China has sought to utilize the water resources of the major rivers that run across borders with neighbouring countries. On these transboundary rivers, China has built or plans to build large dams for hydroelectricity and major water diversion facilities, which has triggered anxiety and complaints from downstream countries and criticism from the international society. This book aims to systematically examine the complex reality of water contestations between China and its neighbouring countries. It provides a discussion on transboundary hydropolitics beyond the state-centric geopolitical perspective to dig into various political, institutional, legal, historical, geographical, and demographic factors that affect China’s policies and practices towards transboundary water issues. This book also provides a collection of comparative case studies on China’s water resources management on the Mekong River with other five riparian states in the Lower Mekong region: the Salween River with Myanmar, the Brahmaputra River with India, the Amur River with Russia and Mongolia, the Illy and Irtysh Rivers with Kazakhstann, and the Yalu and Tumen Rivers with North Korea. Furthermore, this book sheds light on China’s future role in global water governance.
This book examines the Chinese version of soft power and explores its myriad implications for India and all of South Asia. It traces the origin of China’s engagement with South Asian states from historical, political, economic, and security perspectives in order to better understand the dynamics of its South Asia policy.
This book examines how Asianism became a key concept in mainstream political discourse between China and Japan and how it was used both domestically and internationally in the contest for political hegemony. It argues that, from the early 1910s to the early 1930s, this contest changed Chinese and Japanese perceptions of ‘Asia’, from a concept that was foreign-referential, foreign-imposed, peripheral, and mostly negative and denied (in Japan) or largely ignored (in China) to one that was self-referential, self-defined, central, and widely affirmed and embraced. As an ism, Asianism elevated ‘Asia’ as a geographical concept with culturalist-racialist implications to the status of a full-blown political principle and encouraged its proposal and discussion vis-à-vis other political doctrines of the time, such as nationalism, internationalism, and imperialism. By the mid-1920s, a great variety of conceptions of Asianism had emerged in the transnational discourse between Japan and China. Terminologically and conceptually, they not only paved the way for the appropriation of ‘Asia’ discourse by Japanese imperialism from the early 1930s onwards but also facilitated the embrace of Sino-centric conceptions of Asianism by Chinese politicians and collaborators.
Evelyn Rawski presents a revisionist history of early modern China in the context of northeast Asian geopolitics and global maritime trade.
This book brings together studies conducted by researchers in East Asian countries who seek to better understand the impact of China s rise and the consequent policy challenges. The expert contributors illustrate that the rise of China and its integration with the rest of the world is one of the most important developments in the global economy. Over the past thirty years or so, China s economy has grown at nearly ten percent per annum with the expansion of the modern, export-oriented industrial sector, to become the third largest economy in the world and the second largest in trade. This book reviews the economic growth of East Asian countries since the 1990s and the various impacts that the rise of China has had on these countries. In particular, it addresses policy challenges faced in coping with the rise of China and maintaining economic growth. This timely book will strongly appeal to academics and researchers focusing on East Asia and China as well as those interested in international trade, development and economic growth.
The 50th anniversary of India's independence on August 15, 1997, has focused attention on various aspects of the country's experience of independence, and a similar but less pronounced bout of soul-searching has afflicted Pakistan as well. This book examines elite-insecurity perceptions in India, Pakistan and the USA in the 1950s, the consequent linkages in alliance-building efforts, subsequent triangular covert collaboration against Communist China, the unexpected fallout of this collaboration on the Kashmir dispute dividing India and Pakistan, and the subsequent divergence of Indo-Pakistani security policies along fundamental cleavages since the 1960s.
China and Pakistan have been each other's only 'all-weather friend' for decades, but the relationship remains little understood. Small recounts the history of the Sino-Pakistani axis, including details on its most sensitive aspects, such as China's dealings with the Taliban and its support for Pakistan's nuclear programme. Today this relationship plays a central role in Asia's geopolitics, with ramifications for Afghanistan, India, Asia as a whole, and the West. Finally, Small discusses the dilemma China faces in maintaining its current relationship with Pakistan.
Seeks To Help A Through Understand Understanding Of China`S India Policy Through An Inquiry Into China`S South Asia Vision-Takes Note Of Improvement In Indo-China Relations And The Recent Pro-India Tilt In China`S South Asia Policy.
James Lilley's life and family have been entwined with China's fate since his father moved to the country to work for Standard Oil in 1916. Lilley spent much of his childhood in China and after a Yale professor took him aside and suggested a career in intelligence, it became clear that he would spend his adult life returning to China again and again. Lilley served for twenty-five years in the CIA in Laos, Tokyo, Hong Kong, and Taiwan before moving to the State Department in the early 1980s to begin a distinguished career as the U.S.'s top-ranking diplomat in Taiwan, ambassador to South Korea, and finally, ambassador to China. From helping Laotian insurgent forces assist the American efforts in Vietnam to his posting in Beijing during the Tiananmen Square crackdown, he was in a remarkable number of crucial places during challenging times as he spent his life tending to America's interests in Asia. In China Hands, he includes three generations of stories from an American family in the Far East, all of them absorbing, some of them exciting, and one, the loss of Lilley's much loved and admired brother, Frank, unremittingly tragic. China Hands is a fascinating memoir of America in Asia, Asia itself, and one especially capable American's personal history.
Cochran reconsiders the nature and role of consumer culture in the spread of globalization and illuminates enduring features of the Chinese experience of consumer culture. The history of Chinese medicine men in pre-socialist China, he suggests, has relevance for the 21st century because they achieved goals that resonate with their successors today.