Since the 1978 opening up of China and her active engagement in economic reformation and modernization, China has become a truly global economic power. These developments have, consequently, had an impact on ethnic Chinese people living across the world. Traditionally, the study of immigrant communities has focused on internal factors, such as the leadership and social organization of the actors inside the communities. This book, however, turns attention to the exogenous factors, which have helped shape the lives of the Chinese diaspora. In doing so, it provides a valuable contribution to the recent literature, which focuses on the effect of globalisation on the Chinese overseas. Using a number of empirical case studies, including the San Francisco Bay, Canada, South Africa and Hungary, it provides an investigation into how China’s contemporary position in the world has affected the identity of the various locales of the Chinese in different continents. Whilst demonstrating the implications of China’s rise on patterns of circular migration and transnational movements, it also explores how the social and economic relations between Chinese communities and their host and ancestral countries have changed. Ultimately, it highlights how China’s rise has brought new economic opportunities and political clout for the Chinese overseas, but at the same time, has created new stereotypes and racial images by association. As an in-depth study of Chinese societies as well as current migration trends, this book will be useful for students of Chinese Studies, Ethnic Studies, Anthropology and Sociology.
If we are to believe the media then a war between China and Taiwan is inevitable. Incorporating interviews, archives and original research, this book examines the troubled relationship between China, Taiwan and the US, bringing Taiwanese views on identity politics to the forefront of the discussion. Centering on the primary issues facing Taiwan, China and the US, the book analyzes Taiwan’s need to prevent China’s rule suffocating their cherished democracy. It questions whether China will pursue military force to achieve political and economic dominance over Taiwan, and how the US proposes to maintain peace between these two countries to ensure both a continuation of democracy in Taiwan and good relations with China. In highlighting these issues, the book seeks to offer practical policy alternatives that could help to advance the cause of freedom and international peace. Featuring chapters from an international group of academics, the book makes a valuable edition to the understanding of Taiwan-China relations within an international context.
China has emerged as an economic powerhouse with an increasing role on the world stage. China's Rise will help the United States comprehend the facts and dynamics underpinning China's rise--an understanding that becomes more imortant with each passing day. Filled with facts for policymakers, this much-anticipated book's accessible style will also appeal to the general reader through its relevant discussion of China's foreign policy, military modernization, economic growth, and energy and the environment.
The rise of China will undoubtedly be one of the great spectacles of the twenty-first century. More than a dramatic symbol of the redistribution of global wealth, the event has marked the end of the unipolar international system and the arrival of a new era in world politics. How the security, stability and legitimacy built upon foundations that were suddenly shifting, adapting to this new reality is the subject of Will China's Rise be Peaceful? Bringing together the work of seasoned experts and younger scholars, this volume offers an inclusive examination of the effects of historical patterns-whether interrupted or intact-by the rise of China. The contributors show how strategies among the major powers are guided by existing international rules and expectations as well as by the realities created by an increasingly powerful China. While China has sought to signal its non-revisionist intent its extraordinary economic growth and active diplomacy has in a short time span transformed global and East Asian politics. This has caused constant readjustments as the other key actors have responded to the changing incentives provided by Chinese policies. Will China's Rise be Peaceful? explores these continuities and discontinuities in five areas: theory, history, domestic politics, regional politics, and great power politics. Equally grounded in theory and extensive empirical research, this timely volume offers a remarkably lucid description and interpretation of our changing international relations. In both its approach and its conclusions, it will serve as a model for the study of China in a new era.
Answering such questions as What are the social forces behind the rise of China? and Which classes have power?, this collection of lucid and enlightening essays provides a thorough account of the transformation of the Chinese state into authoritarian capitalism. Discussing a variety of issues rarely covered in existing literature, it demonstrates how China, a bureaucratic capitalist state, enjoys all the advantages of state capitalism in promoting both break-neck industrialization and in taking anti-cyclical measures in the midst of the current Great Recession. With a special focus on the workers movement, this compilation offers insight into the problems the Chinese currently face and anticipates future changes.
.Future presidents will need to find the right balance in China policy, so as to maintain America's strength and watchfulness but not fall into the classic security dilemma, wherein each side believes that growing capabilities reflect hostile intent and responds byproducing that reality. I believe that President Obama struck that balance..—From Obama and China's Rise In 2005, veteran diplomat and Asia analyst Jeffrey Bader met for the first time with thethen-junior U.S. senator from Illinois. When Barack Obama entered the White House afew years later, Bader was named the senior director for East Asian affairs on the NationalSecurity Council, becoming one of a handful of advisers responsible for formulating andimplementing the administration's policy regarding that key region. For obviousreasons—a booming economy, expanding military power, and increasing influence overthe region—the looming impact of a rising China dominated their efforts. Obama's original intent was to extend U.S. influence and presence in East Asia,which he felt had been neglected by a Bush administration fixated on the MiddleEast, particularly Iraq, and the war on terror. China's rise, particularly its militarybuildup, was heightening anxiety among its neighbors, including key U.S. alliesJapan and South Korea. Bader explains the administration's efforts to develop stablerelations with China while improving relationships with key partners worried aboutBeijing's new assertiveness. In Obama and China's Rise, Bader reveals what he did, discusses what he saw, andinterprets what it meant—first during the Obama campaign, and then for theadministration. The result is an illuminating backstage view of the formulation andexecution of American foreign policy as well as a candid assessment of both. Bader combines insightful and authoritative foreign policy analysis with a revealing and humanizing narrative of his own personal journey.
The recent conflict between indigenous Uyghurs and Han Chinese demonstrates that Xinjiang is a major trouble spot for China, with Uyghur demands for increased autonomy, and where Beijing’s policy is to more firmly integrate the province within China. This book provides an account of how China’s evolving integrationist policies in Xinjiang have influenced its foreign policy in Central Asia since the establishment of the People’s Republic in 1949, and how the policy of integration is related to China’s concern for security and its pursuit of increased power and influence in Central Asia. The book traces the development of Xinjiang - from the collapse of the Qing empire in the early twentieth century to the present – and argues that there is a largely complementary relationship between China’s Xinjiang, Central Asia and grand strategy-derived interests. This pattern of interests informs and shapes China’s diplomacy in Central Asia and its approach to the governance of Xinjiang. Michael E. Clarke shows how China’s concerns and policies, although pursued with vigour in recent decades, are of long-standing, and how domestic problems and policies in Xinjiang have for a long time been closely bound up with wider international relations issues.
This innovative text combines an understanding of the history of China's rise with analyses of its current challenges. Renowned historians, economists, and political scientists explore the internal dynamic of China's rise since traditional times through the key themes of China's identity, security, economy, environment, energy, and politics. Each themed section pairs a historian with a social scientist to give an overall view of where China is coming from and where it is heading. One of the PRC's best-known experts on international relations concludes by reflecting on the political psychology of China's view of itself in the world. Written in clear and accessible style, this nuanced book will be essential reading for all readers interested in China past and present and its growing global role.
This book deconstructs a series of myths surrounding China’s economic rise. The first myth is that globalization led directly to China’s rise; the second is that China is another East Asian developmental state; the third that China’s market reform had been implemented in an incremental way; and fourth that China’s ‘resilient authoritarianism’ has been effective in ensuring the country’s economic and political transformation. Yue argues that the China model is one of ‘crony comprador capitalism’ that has hindered the country’s attempts at economic and political modernity. It is argued that the United States’ strategy of integrating China into the international system is self-defeating in the long run; not because such an approach has created a 'restless empire' capable of challenging US primacy, but because the Chinese 'miracle' has subsequently backfired on the liberal order created after World War Two. Covering the entire reform period from the end of the Cultural Revolution in 1976 to the present day, the author calls for readers to rethink globalization and leave more policy space for China and the developing nations to pursue national development through internal integration, which is more conducive to democratic transition and global peace.
'A lively and well written comparison of economic transformation in China and the USSR/Russia, combining a good knowledge of the Chinese economy with a radical critique of Western transition orthodoxy, this very topical and very controversial book will be useful reading for students, administrators in many countries and international agencies, and business people.' - Michael Ellman, University of Amsterdam `Peter Nolan makes a pungent challenge to conventional wisdom by arguing that the Chinese approach to system reform has been vastly more successful than the shock therapy applied to Russia. His book is based on extensive comparison and deep insight into the political economy of both countries.' - John Toye, Institute of Development Studies, Sussex This book is the first attempt to analyse systematically the dramatic contrast in the results of post-Stalinist reform in China and Russia. It argues that there emerged a 'transition orthodoxy' about how to reform the communist systems of political economy. However, it was deeply flawed. The advice which flowed from this orthodoxy was the primary cause of the Soviet disaster. The decision not to follow it was the main reason for China's enormous success in its reform programme.
Executive Summary:Foreign policy makers in the United States should not be misled by prevailing media and scholarly assessments that exaggerate China?s influence in Asia relative to that of the United States. In particular, it would be a mistake for the Bush administration to give in to recent congressional, media, and interest group pressures that employ overstated assessments of China?s increasing power in order to push for tough U.S. government policies to confront and compete with China. This study shows that overt U.S. competition with China for influence is unwelcome in Asia, counterproductive for U.S. interests in the region, and unwarranted given the limited challenge posed by China?s rise. Prevailing assessments and commentaries about China?s rise in Asia are unbalanced, emphasizing China?s strengths and the United States? weaknesses. With few exceptions, they give inadequate attention to Chinese weaknesses and U.S. strengths. This study demonstrates that China?s recent success in Asia rests heavily on a fairly narrow foundation?that is, generally adroit Chinese diplomacy and intra-Asian trade that is less significant than the reported figures of annual trade between China and its neighbors would suggest. China?s willingness and ability to lead in Asia is undermined notably by many domestic preoccupations, nationalistic ambitions at odds with Asian neighbors, and economic complications posed by China?s rise as many countries in Asia are left further behind.Moreover, Chinese leaders and officials continue to follow policies that do not require either China or its neighboring countries to make significant changes, sacrifices, or commitments for one another that they would not ordinarily make. Thus, China?s Asian approach focuses on ?easy? things?the ?low-hanging fruit??and avoids costly commitments or major risk. By contrast, U.S. leadership in Asia, though challenged by unpopular policies in Southwest Asia and Korea, along with insufficient attention in dealing with Asian governments, remains strong in undertaking responsibilities and providing needed security and economic benefits to Asian states. The United States continues to show influence in Asia in concrete ways, notably by influencing Asian governments to do things they would not be inclined to do.Predictions of an emerging order in Asia led by a rising China that will marginalize the United States illustrate how far many of the predominate, unbalanced media and scholarly assessments have gone. They reflect a poor understanding of the ambitions of Asian governments, the resilience of U.S. power and leadership, and the actual status of China?s influence relative to that of the United States in Asian states around China?s periphery. To some extent, a rising China that generally accommodates its neighbors benefits from the fluid post-Cold War Asian order, as various Asian governments seek to broaden international options with various powers in a continuing round of hedging and maneuvering for advantage. But as China rises in influence in Asia, this study shows that these same neighboring governments hedge and maneuver against possible Chinese dominance. In this process, they quietly seek closer ties with one another and particularly with the region?s dominant power, the United States. America?s advantages in this situation are strong. The United States has a proven record of being able and willing to commit significant resources and prestige to protect allies and friends. The United States is very powerful?a superpower?but it is far away from Asia and has none of the territorial and few of the other ambitions that characterize Asian powers. Thus it is less distrusted by Asian governments in comparison with how these governments view one another, including China. As a result, most Asian governments?including China and all the major powers in Asia?give higher priority to relations with the United States than to relations with any power in Asia.In addition to being Asia?s economic partner of choice and acknowledged security guarantor, the United States has a leadership position in Asia that rests on a determined U.S. administration prepared to confront adversaries and opponents. This position gives pause to Asian governments seeking to challenge or displace the United States. The analysis in this monograph demonstrates that even hard-line Chinese critics of U.S. ?hegemony? in Asian and world affairs have been compelled in recent years to adopt alow posture in dealings with the United States, choosing to wait as China builds comprehensive national power over the coming decades.Chinese leaders are often frustrated by U.S. policies and power, and desirous over the long term to see their periphery free of constricting U.S. great power involvement. However, they show little sign of deviating from efforts to expand influence in selected ways that tend to avoid directly challenging the United States. Thus, for the most part, China?s rise in Asia does not come at the expense of U.S. interests and is not a part of a zerosum game resulting in the automatic decline of U.S. influence.To enhance its position in Asia, Washington should focus on repairing negative features of recent U.S. policy in Asia related to the fallout of its actions in Iraq, the Middle East, and Korea; U.S. unilateralism in international politics; and inattentiveness to the concerns of Asian governments over economic development, nation building, and multilateral cooperation. This recommendation requires adjustments, not a wholesale revamping of U.S. policies. Backed by continued, careful management of U.S. security commitments and economic relations with regional governments, they will enhance the leading role of the United States in Asian affairs. The prevailing tendency of Asian governments to hedge in the post- Cold War environment seems likely to continue to pose challenges for U.S. management of alliance and other relations with Asian governments seeking more independence and freedom of action, inclining some to seek closer ties with China, among others. Policymakers in the United States should not overreact to such maneuvers, recognizing that such hedging continues to provide a prominent role for the United States as the region?s well-recognized security stabilizer and economic partner of choice. In particular, Chinese government leaders found that their overt efforts in the late 1990s to compel Asian governments to choose between a rising China and the United States failed in the face of Asian governments? long unwillingness to do so. The government should learn from this experience in seeking to advance its leadership in Asia without the overt competition with China that would try to force Asian governments to make such a choice, probably with negative implications for U.S. leadership in Asia.
In this first sustained, single-authored assessment of China's expanding influence in Asia in the postDCold War period, respected analyst Robert Sutter draws on his extensive experience to explore the current debate on China's military and economic rise and its meaning for U.S. interests. Examining in detail China's current and historical relations with the key countries of Asia, he finds a range of motivations underlying China's recent initiatives. Some incline Chinese policy to be cooperative with the United States, others to be competitive and confrontational. Sutter's nuanced study shows that U.S. influence continues to dominate Asia and plays a critical role in determining China's cooperative or confrontational approach. He argues that the Bush administration's policies of firmness and cooperation have encouraged China to stay on a generally constructive track in the region.
This volume presents a contemporary analysis of the impact of China's rise on the Mekong Region at a critical point in Southeast Asian history. As the most populated country and the second largest economy in the world, China has become an increasingly influential player in global and regional affairs in recent decades. Economic ties between China and her southern neighbors are particularly strong. Yet relations between China and the Mekong region are embedded in complex socio-cultural and political issues. China's accelerated growth, increasing economic footprint, rapid military modernization, and global search for energy, natural resources, and food security have created a wide range of new challenges for smaller countries in Southeast Asia. These new challenges both encourage and limit cooperation between China and the emerging ASEAN Economic Community (AEC). The authors pay close attention to these challenges with particular focus on the impact of Chinese investment, trade, foreign aid, and migration.
The phenomenal growth of Chinese economic and military power in the first decade of the 21st century has drawn world-wide attention. Perceptions of China's rise have shifted from seeing China as a threat to a more mixed view, where China is seen as playing a key role in economic recovery, taking an increasingly responsible role in world affairs, and contributing significantly to scientific and technological advances. This book argues that China will only become a truly global power when its rising power status is accepted, or at least tolerated, by other major powers and China’s neighbours. Filling a major gap in the existing literature, it presents a comprehensive overview of how China's rise is perceived in a wide range of countries and regions – these include China's neighbours, other world powers, the parts of China not part of mainland China - Taiwan, Hong Kong and Macau - and regions of the world where China is having an unexpected impact, such as the Middle East. It also examines changing perceptions of China in the western media. Overall, the book demonstrates that whilst many countries and regions are much more positive about China's rise than they were before, considerable nervousness and concern persists.
This book provides the perspectives of a group of noted China experts on how China’s economic expansion and internal reforms are impacting its neighbors in the Pacific region as well as the United States and the rest of the world. It will serve as a source for anticipating and understanding the political and economic developments occurring in China for years to come. Contributors include Murray Scot Tanner, Barry J. Naughton, Wing Thye Woo, Mary E. Lovely and Yang Liang, Guanzhong James Wen, and Xiaodong Zhu.
The reforms of the Soviet and Chinese communist regimes were unparalleled-both in the radical, precedent-setting reforms attempted by the two countries and in the outcomes of these attempts. While the Soviet Union collapsed quickly in the midst of its reforms, more than a decade later China, the world's most populous country, still stands as a testament to the resilience of Communist rule. It is this phenomenon that Christopher Marsh explores in Unparalleled Reforms. Marsh goes beyond simply discussing the differing initial conditions, the sequencing of reform, and cultural differences to also consider the objectives and intentions of the policy makers and leaders that directed the reform processes and the interdependent nature of politics on the world stage. Unparalleled Reforms offers the reader a sophisticated understanding of the nature of political reform and develops a theoretical model that can account for commonly overlooked factors that affect political processes in all types of political systems. In a class all its own, this is an important work for scholars interested in comparative politics, international relations, economics, Asian studies, and Russian studies.
In seeking to cultivate external relations with African countries, China has long stressed its commonly shared roots with African nations as a developing country rather than a Western state, and as such the symbolic attraction of China clearly reverberates with many African elites who seem to look on China as a positive development model. However, it should be noted that this has not been embraced solely by dictatorial or authoritarian regimes but in fact China’s approach to non-interference has struck a chord even with those democratically elected leaders in Africa. While such practices clearly benefit African elites, it is remains doubtful that they do so for ordinary Africans, although sustained analysis suggests that potential exists, albeit hampered by the modalities of governance on the continent. This book brings together experts on the topic to throw light on some of the more contentious aspects of the relationship. This book was published as a special issue of the Journal of Contemporary African Studies.
China's protracted boom and political transformation is a major episode in the history of global political economy. Beginning in the late 1970s, China experienced a quarter century of extraordinary growth that raised every indicator of material welfare, lifted several hundred million out of poverty, and rocketed China from near autarky to regional and even global prominence. These striking developments transformed China into a major U.S. trade and investment partner, a regional military power, and a major influence on national economies and cross-national interchange throughout the Pacific region. Beijing has emerged as a voice for East Asian economic interests and an arbiter in regional and even global diplomacy-from the Asian financial crisis to the North Korean nuclear talks. China's accession to the World Trade Organization promises to accentuate these trends. The contributors to this volume provide a multifaceted examination of China in the areas of economics, trade, investment, politics, diplomacy, technology, and security, affording a greater understanding of what relevant policies the United States must develop. This book offers a counterweight to overwrought concerns about the emerging “Chinese threat” and makes the case for viewing China as a force for stability in the twenty-first century.

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