An era has ended. The political expression that most galvanized evangelicals during the past quarter-century, the Religious Right, is fading. What's ahead is unclear. Millions of faith-based voters still exist, and they continue to care deeply about hot-button issues like abortion and gay marriage, but the shape of their future political engagement remains to be formed. Into this uncertainty, former White House insiders Michael Gerson and Peter Wehner seek to call evangelicals toward a new kind of political engagement -- a kind that is better both for the church and the country, a kind that cannot be co-opted by either political party, a kind that avoids the historic mistakes of both the Religious Left and the Religious Right. Incisive, bold, and marked equally by pragmatism and idealism, Gerson and Wehner's new book has the potential to chart a new political future not just for values voters, but for the nation as a whole.
This volume examines how the manifestation and development of diverse expressions of Christianities in the city offer potentialities and innovative models for the liberation struggles and gospel incarnation within various social, historical, economic, cultural/ethnic, sexual, and gender realities.
Annawadi ist ein Slum jenseits des luxuriösen Flughafens von Mumbai. Hier wohnen Tausende Menschen in notdürftig errichteten Hütten. Eng ist es hier und schmutzig. Und nicht selten fallen hungrige Ratten nachts über die Kinder her. In Annawadi lebt Abdul, der Müllsammler. Dass er geschickt ist in seinem Job, dass er Müll zu sammeln, zu sortieren und weiterzuverkaufen weiß wie kein Zweiter, ruft viele Neider auf den Plan. Denn der Erfolg des einen bedeutet den möglichen Ruin des anderen. Und jeder in dem Slum kämpft mit allen Mitteln um die pure Existenz. Katherine Boo erzählt nicht nur die Geschichten der Menschen in Annawadi – sie erzählt auch von ihrer Hoffnung und ihrem Streben nach einem besseren Leben und von den Auswirkungen des westlichen Konsums bis in dieses Eckchen der Welt.
THE Buriats whose myth-tales I have collected, and whose beliefs, modes of worship, and customs I have studied at their source and describe in this volume, are Mongols in the strictest sense of the word as men use it. They inhabit three sides of Lake Baikal, as well as Olkhon its only island. The place and the people are noteworthy. Lake Baikal is the largest body of fresh water in the Old World, being over four hundred miles long and from twenty-four to fifty-six miles broad, its total area covering about thirteen thousand square miles. The Buriats living west of that water, and those inhabiting the sacred island of Olkhon, are the only Mongols who have preserved their own race religion with its primitive usages, archaic beliefs, and philosophy, hence they are a people of great interest to science. The region about that immense body of water, Lake Baikal, is of still greater interest in history, for from the mountain land south of the lake, and touching it, came Temudjin, known later as Jinghis Khan, and Tamerlane, or Timur Lenk (the Iron Limper), the two greatest personages in the Mongol division of mankind. From the first of these two mighty man-slayers were descended the Mongol subduers of China and Russia. Among Jinghis Khan's many grandsons were Kublai Khan, the subjector of China, together with Burma and other lands east of India; Hulagu, who destroyed the Assassin Commonwealth of Persia, stormed Bagdad, and extinguished the Abbasid Kalifat; and Batu, who covered Russia with blood and ashes, mined Hungary, hunting its king to an island in the Adriatic, crushed German and other forces opposed to the Mongols at Liegnitz, and returned to the Volga region, where he established his chief headquarters. Descendants of Jinghis Khan ruled in Russia for two centuries and almost five decades. In China they wielded power only sixty-eight years. From Tamerlane, a more brilliant, if not a greater, leader than Jinghis, descended the Mongols of India, whose history is remarkable both in the rise and the fall of the empire which they founded. These two Mongol conquerors had a common ancestor in Jinghis Khan's great-great-grandfather, Tumbinai; hence both men were of the same blood and had the same land of origin,—the region south of Lake Baikal. That Mongol power which began its career near Baikal covered all Asia, or most of it, and a large part of Europe, and lasted till destroyed by Russia and England. The histories of these struggles are world-wide in their meaning; they deserve the closest study, and in time will surely receive it. When the descendants of Jinghis Khan had lost China, the only great conquest left them was Russia, and there, after a rule of two hundred and forty-four years, power was snatched from them. The Grand Moguls, those masters of India, the descendants of Tamerlane, met with Great Britain, and were stripped of their empire in consequence.
This innovative history argues that we can understand important facets of the Mexican Revolution by analyzing the architecture designed and built in Mexico City during the formative years from 1920 to 1940. These artifacts allow us to trace and understand the path of the consolidation of the Mexican Revolution. Each individual building or development, by providing indelible evidence of the process by which the revolution evolved into a government, offers important insights into Mexican history. Seen in aggregate, they reveal an ongoing urban process at work; seen as a "composition," they reveal changes over time in societal values and aspirations and in the direction of the revolution. This book focuses on structure, change, and process for this remarkable city "in the true image of the gigantic heaven." The changes described in Fuentes' narrative are man-made, not wrought by impersonal or natural forces except on the rare occasions of earthquake and flood. Patrice Elizabeth Olsen views Mexico City as an artifact of those who created it—representing their ardor, humanity, and religion, as well as their politics. Individual chapters detail the expression of revolutionary values and aims in the physical form of Mexico City's built environment between 1920 and 1940, examining direction and meaning in terms of who is given license to design and build structures in the capital city, and equally important, who is excluded. Through the reshaping of the capital the revolution was extended and institutionalized; physical traces of the process of negotiation that enabled the revolution to be "fixed" in the Mexican polity appear in the city's skyline, parks, housing developments, and other new construction, as well as in modifications to existing colonial-era buildings. In this manner, the author argues, Mexico City's urban form crystallized as a product of the revolution as well as a part of the revolutionary process, as it has been of other conquests throughout its history.
Dr Butler provides a new interpretation of the cristero war (1926-29) which divided Mexico's peasantry into rival camps loyal to the Catholic Church (cristero) or the Revolution (agrarista). This book puts religion at the heart of our understanding of the revolt by showing how peasant allegiances often resulted from genuinely popular cultural and religious antagonisms. It challenges the assumption that Mexican peasants in the 1920s shared religious outlooks and that their behaviour was mainly driven by political and material factors. Focusing on the state of Michoacán in western-central Mexico, the volume seeks to integrate both cultural and structural lines of inquiry. First charting the uneven character of Michoacán's historical formation in the late colonial period and the nineteenth century, Dr Butler shows how the emergence of distinct agrarian regimes and political cultures was later associated with varying popular responses to post-revolutionary state formation in the areas of educational and agrarian reform. At the same time, it is argued that these structural trends were accompanied by increasingly clear divergences in popular religious cultures, including lay attitudes to the clergy, patterns of religious devotion and deviancy, levels of sacramental participation, and commitment to militant 'social' Catholicism. As peasants in different communities developed distinct parish identities, so the institutional conflict between Church and state acquired diverse meanings and provoked violently contradictory popular responses. Thus the fires of revolt burned all the more fiercely because they inflamed a countryside which - then as now - was deeply divided in matters of faith as well as politics. Based on oral testimonies and careful searches of dozens of ecclesiastical and state archives, this study makes an important contribution to the religious history of the Mexican Revolution.
The First Amendment guarantee that "Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion" rejected the millennium-old Western policy of supporting one form of Christianity in each nation and subjugating all other faiths. The exact meaning and application of this American innovation, however, has always proved elusive. Individual states found it difficult to remove traditional laws that controlled religious doctrine, liturgy, and church life, and that discriminated against unpopular religions. They found it even harder to decide more subtle legal questions that continue to divide Americans today: Did the constitution prohibit governmental support for religion altogether, or just preferential support for some religions over others? Did it require that government remove Sabbath, blasphemy, and oath-taking laws, or could they now be justified on other grounds? Did it mean the removal of religious texts, symbols, and ceremonies from public documents and government lands, or could a democratic government represent these in ever more inclusive ways? These twelve essays stake out strong and sometimes competing positions on what "no establishment of religion" meant to the American founders and to subsequent generations of Americans, and what it might mean today.
Recent scholarship has criticized the assumption that European modernity was inherently secular. Yet, we remain poorly informed about religion's fate in the nineteenth-century big city, the very crucible of the modern condition. Drawing on extensive archival research and investigations into Protestant ecclesiastical organization, church-state relations, liturgy, pastoral care, associational life, and interconfessional relations, this study of Strasbourg following Germany's annexation of Alsace-Lorraine in 1871 shows how urbanization not only challenged the churches, but spurred them to develop new, forward-looking, indeed, urban understandings of religious community and piety. The work provides new insights into what it meant for Imperial Germany to identify itself as "Protestant" and it provocatively identifies the European big city as an agent for sacralization, and not just secularization.
This book chronicles the history of the Protestant Reformation in sixteenth century Geneva under the leadership of John Calvin and is the best modern study of the Genevan Reformation available. The narrative of this work is enhanced by twenty-seven tables of extensive statistical data and eleven prosopographical appendices drawn from the author's extensive studies in the Geneva archives. His work shows the challenges faced by Calvin and his associates as they sought to proclaim and enact their Christian faith in a Genevan society that was facing severe problems with the influx of refugees from all over Europe.
Visions of the Emerald City is an absorbing historical analysis of how Mexicans living in Oaxaca City experienced “modernity” during the lengthy “Order and Progress” dictatorship of Porfirio Díaz (1876–1911). Renowned as the Emerald City (for its many buildings made of green cantera stone), Oaxaca City was not only the economic, political, and cultural capital of the state of Oaxaca but also a vital commercial hub for all of southern Mexico. As such, it was a showcase for many of Díaz’s modernizing and state-building projects. Drawing on in-depth research in archives in Oaxaca, Mexico City, and the United States, Mark Overmyer-Velázquez describes how Oaxacans, both elites and commoners, crafted and manipulated practices of tradition and modernity to define themselves and their city as integral parts of a modern Mexico. Incorporating a nuanced understanding of visual culture into his analysis, Overmyer-Velázquez shows how ideas of modernity figured in Oaxacans’ ideologies of class, race, gender, sexuality, and religion and how they were expressed in Oaxaca City’s streets, plazas, buildings, newspapers, and public rituals. He pays particular attention to the roles of national and regional elites, the Catholic church, and popular groups—such as Oaxaca City’s madams and prostitutes—in shaping the discourses and practices of modernity. At the same time, he illuminates the dynamic interplay between these groups. Ultimately, this well-illustrated history provides insight into provincial life in pre-Revolutionary Mexico and challenges any easy distinctions between the center and the periphery or modernity and tradition.
Protestant Politics is a new treatment of religion and politics in the German Reformation, ca. 1520 to 1550. It is based on the career of a leading urban politician, Jacob Sturm (1489-1553) of Strasbourg.
'Decentralization and Local Democracy in the World' constitutes a global reference on decentralization by presenting the contemporary situation of local governments in all regions of the world. The report analyzes local authorities in each continent under three main themes: the evolution of territorial structures; responsibilities and power, management and finances; and local democracy. An additional chapter is dedicated to the governance of large metropolises, where rapid growth presents major challenges, in particular in the fast-developing countries of the South. This report also offers a comparative overview of the different realities concerning the state of decentralization, and how the basic indispensable mechansims for local democracy do, or do not exist in come countries. Relationships between the state and local authorities are evolving toward innovative forms of cooperation. In this context, the role of local authorities in the development of global policies is increasingly recognized. The first Global Observatory on Local Democracy and Decentralization (GOLD) Report is one of the main products of United Cities and Local Governments (UCLG). The GOLD Report is the first of what will be a triennial publication. UCLG represents and defends the interests of local governments on the world stage, regardless of the size of the communities they serve. Headquartered in Barcelona, the organization's stated mission is: To be the united voice and world advocate of democratic local self-government, promoting its values, objectives and interests, through cooperation between local governments, and within the wider international community.
Renowned historian William H. McNeil provides a brilliant narrative chronology of the development of Western civilization, representing its socio-political as well as cultural aspects. This sixth edition includes new material for the twentieth-century period and completely revised bibliographies. An invaluable tool for the study of Western civilization, the Handbook is an essential complement to readings in primary and secondary sources such as those in the nine-volume University of Chicago Readings in Western Civilization.
When the Soviet people will enjoy the [God) wQl com11Ul1ld a ble', ing on u, In ble, "ngr of Communism, new hundred, all our way" '0 that we, hall, ee much more of Hi, wisdom, power, goodnell8, of mOlion, of people on earth will BIly: and truth than we have formerly known. 'We are for CommuniBml' It i, not We, haH find that the God of I8TIlei is through war with other countries, but by, among U', and ten of us shall be able to the example of a more perfect organiza tion of society, by rapid progress in rellist a thouBIlnd of our enemie, . The Lord will make our name a prai, e and developing the productive force, the creation of all conditions for the happi glory, '0 that men 'hall BIlY of succeed ing plantation, : 'The Lord make it like ness and well-being of man, that the that of New England'. For we must con ideaB of Communism win the mind, and sider that we Ilhall be like a city upon a hearts of the masses. Hill; the eye, of all people are on u, . The force of Bocial progress will in evitably grow in aU countries, and this John Winthrop to early Puritan will assist the builden of CommuniBm in settlers in America, 1630 the Soviet Union. Programme of the C.P.S.U.
A fundamental and well-illustrated reference collection for anyone interested in the role of women in North American religious life.
Tells the diverse story of four congregations in New York City as they navigated the social and political changes of the late eighteenth and mid-nineteenth centuries. In the fifty years after the Constitution was signed in 1787, New York City grew from a port town of 30,000 to a metropolis of over half a million residents. This rapid development transformed a once tightknit community and its religious experience. Including four churches belonging in various forms to the Church of England, that in some form still thrive today. Rapid urban and social change connected these believers in unity in the late colonial era. As the city grew larger, more impersonal, and socially divided, churches reformed around race and class-based neighborhoods. In Four Steeples over the City Streets, Kyle T. Bulthuis examines the intertwining of these four famous institutions—Trinity Episcopal, John Street Methodist, Mother Zion African Methodist, and St. Philip’s (African) Episcopal—to uncover the lived experience of these historical subjects, and just how religious experience and social change connected in the dynamic setting of early Republic New York. Drawing on a wide range of sources including congregational records and the unique histories of some of the churches leaders, Four Steeples over the City Streets reveals how these city churches responded to these transformations from colonial times to the mid-nineteenth century. Bulthuis also adds new dynamics to the stories of well-known New Yorkers such as John Jay, James Harper, and Sojourner Truth. More importantly, Four Steeples over the City Streets connects issues of race, class, and gender, urban studies, and religious experience, revealing how the city shaped these churches, and how their respective religious traditions shaped the way they reacted to the city. This book is a critical addition to the study and history of African American activism and life in the ever-changing metropolis of New York City.
This book came out of the need to highlight working peoples contribution to the process of self-organization and development in the former British Guiana-hereafter referred to as Guyana-and The Bahamas. Africans and other sections of the working people in these and other countries of the Caribbean, have succeeded, through their labour and transforming genius, in building communities, and produce crops and other commodities which aided metropolitan development. Guyanese workers dug canals, constructed dams and other necessary infrastructure which made the Atlantic coast inhabitable and crops and livestock flourished in a hostile, swampy and insect infested environment. In The Bahamas working people in New Providence and the Family Islands pioneered the fishing and boat-building industries and created the infrastructure for what became the leading tourist destination in the region. Organization at the local and grassroots level played an important role in the attainment of working peoples objectives in the region-wide nationalist movement, during the 1930s, through 50s, and gave rise to major developments such as the granting of adult suffrage, trade union legislation, opening up of Crown lands, majority rule and independence. The analysis will support the position that a reflection on the lessons of the pre-independence struggle as well as revisiting the spirit of collaboration and patriotism with which working people approached the objectives of political representation, job satisfaction and national identity, can provide relevant models to inform strategies to combat challenges which are brought about by globalisation. Issues relating to regional and international collaboration as well as national response to global developments in trade, production and social organisation, can benefit from a higher level of popularity and national awareness if citizens participation at the community and other levels of society is incorporated in the national discourse and response strategy. The title: Nationalism in the era of Globalisation. intends to draw attention to the new nationalism which is informing the new role of the nation state in which central governments are gradually assuming the role of facilitator in creating an enabling environment for the growth of the private sector as well as protect investors; guard against public sector inefficiency, corruption and waste; facilitate sound macroeconomic management that encourages economic growth and maintains price stability; in the process, embrace democratic values, respect diversity and open social spaces for peoples participation. Part of the role of government is also establish the structures and monitoring devices in order to avoid or reduce the severity of economic shocks in an era of increasing liberalization. One manifestation of this in the emergence of a complex terrain of bilateral and multilateral arrangements between and among nations of the Americas. Smaller states are seeking affiliation and membership within regional groupings such as NAFTA and MERCOSUR to secure the best trade deals and access to a wider market under the most favourable terms. Larger states such as Venezuela and Brazil are presenting their own vision of a Free Trade Area. Such a vision is based on sustainability, the eradication of poverty and empowerment of the masses. In this tradition some states in the Caribbean and South America have challenged the hegemony of the USA in a Washington-initiated model of the proposed Free Trade Area of the Americas [FTAA] and proposing instead a more progressive model based upon the recognition of several centres of influence within the grouping. These developments are addressed in the book within the context of the way in which national and regional response must be channeled to influence the course of events-including the role and guiding principles of the World Trade Organization [WTO], the United Nations [UN] and other Internationa
Did preoccupations with family and work crowd out interest in politics in the nineteenth century, as some have argued? Arguing that social historians have gone too far in concluding that Americans were not deeply engaged in public life and that political historians have gone too far in asserting that politics informed all of Americans' lives, Mark Neely seeks to gauge the importance of politics for ordinary people in the Civil War era. Looking beyond the usual markers of political activity, Neely sifts through the political bric-a-brac of the era--lithographs and engravings of political heroes, campaign buttons, songsters filled with political lyrics, photo albums, newspapers, and political cartoons. In each of four chapters, he examines a different sphere--the home, the workplace, the gentlemen's Union League Club, and the minstrel stage--where political engagement was expressed in material culture. Neely acknowledges that there were boundaries to political life, however. But as his investigation shows, political expression permeated the public and private realms of Civil War America.

Best Books