This volume presents 17 papers, each of which explores how global economic integration produces changes in governance. The book concludes that a new and intricate fabric of governance has been created, but one that fails to serve the purpose of beleaguered govenments.
This book is an inquiry into the history of the idea of popular sovereignty as it has been shaped by the struggles between rulers and ruled. It builds on the notion that a thorough analysis of how the idea of popular sovereignty emerges from, and interacts with, a political history of contention within changing polities can help us to draw similarities and differences with our own age. Providing a historical perspective to the present day, Nootens pays strong attention to the role of democratization processes and to the relationship between meanings conveyed by the idea of popular sovereignty, political contention, and changing representations of the governing relationship. The latter has been undergoing significant transformations in the last decades, and these transformations impact significantly upon people’s rights, interests, wealth, and capacity to decide for themselves. In order to understand popular sovereignty in an era of globalization, this book argues that focus should be put on current struggles between rulers and ruled, as well as on current transformations of the relationship between public and private spheres. Understanding the claims involved in current processes of contention over decision-making processes is key to understanding popular sovereignty in an era of globalization. Making an important contribution to debates on sovereignty, Popular Sovereignty in the West will be of interest to students and scholars of modern political theory, sovereignty, and democratization studies.
Almost all states are either federal or regionalized in some sense. It is difficult to find a state that is entirely unitary and the Routledge Handbook of Regionalism and Federalism necessarily takes in almost the entire world. Both federalism and regionalism have been subjects of a vast academic literature mainly from political science but sometimes also from history, economics, and geography. This cutting edge examination seeks to evaluate the two types of state organization from the perspective of political science producing a work that is analytical rather than simply descriptive. The Handbook presents some of the latest theoretical reflections on regionalism and federalism and then moves on to discuss cases of both regionalism and federalism in key countries chosen from the world’s macro-regions. Assembling this wide range of case studies allows the book to present a general picture of current trends in territorial governance. The final chapters then examine failed federations such as Czechoslovakia and examples of transnational regionalism - the EU, NAFTA and the African Union. Covering evolving forms of federalism and regionalism in all parts of the world and featuring a comprehensive range of case studies by leading international scholars this work will be an essential reference source for all students and scholars of international politics, comparative politics and international relations.
The global movement toward democracy, spurred in part by the ending of the cold war, has created opportunities for democratization not only in Europe and the former Soviet Union, but also in Africa. This book is based on workshops held in Benin, Ethiopia, and Namibia to better understand the dynamics of contemporary democratic movements in Africa. Key issues in the democratization process range from its institutional and political requirements to specific problems such as ethnic conflict, corruption, and role of donors in promoting democracy. By focusing on the opinion and views of African intellectuals, academics, writers, and political activists and observers, the book provides a unique perspective regarding the dynamics and problems of democratization in Africa.
Constitutional Rights after Globalization juxtaposes the globalization of the economy and the worldwide spread of constitutional charters of rights. The shift of political authority to powerful economic actors entailed by neo-liberal globalization challenges the traditional state-centred focus of constitutional law. Contemporary debate has responded to this challenge in normative terms, whether by reinterpreting rights or redirecting their ends, e.g. to reach private actors. However, globalization undermines the liberal legalist epistemology on which these approaches rest, by positing the existence of multiple sites of legal production, (e.g. multinational corporations) beyond the state. This dynamic, between globalization and legal pluralism on one side, and rights constitutionalism on the other, provides the context for addressing the question of rights constitutionalism's counterhegemonic potential. This shows first that the interpretive and instrumental assumptions underlying constitutional adjudication are empirically suspect: constitutional law tends more to disorder than coherence, and frequently is an ineffective tool for social change. Instead, legal pluralism contends that constitutionalism's importance lies in symbolic terms as a legitimating discourse. The competing liberal and 'new' politics of definition (the latter highlighting how neoliberal values and institutions constrain political action) are contrasted to show how each advances different agenda. A comparative survey of constitutionalism's engagement with private power shows that conceiving of constitutions in the predominant liberal, legalist mode has broadly favoured hegemonic interests. It is concluded that counterhegemonic forms of constitutional discourse cannot be effected within, but only by unthinking, the dominant liberal legalist paradigm, in a manner that takes seriously all exercises of political power.
Governance in the Middle East is topic of interest to scholars, activists and policy makers. The currently proposed book is intended to present the first comprehensive framework of the question of governance in the Middle East in its various forms and manifestations: political, economic, and government performance. This study will supply the context that is missing in the existing literature on, perhaps, the last bastion of authoritarianism in the world. Proposed Contents This book will be structured into two parts: Part I (Chapters 1-11) provides some theoretical background and analyzes the patterns and challenges of governance in the Middle East, providing some global context; Part II (12-Conclusion) will examine specific cases in selected countries and regions in the Middle East. Part I: Theory and Context Chapter 1 will be an introduction describing the main aspects of the book and highlighting the main points made by the contributors. Chapter 2 will present the theoretical dimensions of governance and review the "state of the discipline" and the latest trends in the literature on governance. The author of this chapter will be an authority in the subject of governance, but does not have to be necessarily a Middle East scholar. Chapter 3 will examine the general political trends in the Middle East and provide a historical background: nation-state formation, colonial and postcolonial experiences in the Middle East and the nature of the Middle Eastern political environment at the present time. Chapter 4 will look into the economic aspects of governance in the Middle East and contextualize the economic challenges and deficiencies affecting the region. Chapter 5 will examine the areas of success and failure in government performance in the region and the aspects of human development. Chapter 6 will look into the role of religion in shaping the governance in the Middle East. After all, most Middle Eastern governments declare Islam as the State religion, while a few consider Islam the source of governance and legislation (e.g. Saudi Arabia and Iran). Chapter 7 will shed light on the sectarian division among Muslims (Shi‘a vs. Sunnis) and the significance of this division for the governance, particularly in countries where the ruling groups belong to a different sect than the governed, such as Bahrain, Saudi, Kuwait and Lebanon. Chapter 8 will examine relation between the state of governance in the Middle East and the progress of human rights, or lack thereof. The Middle East remains one of the most troubling regions on human rights and the respect for human dignity. All of the region’s governments are heavily implicated in very serious violations of the most basic in human rights. Chapter 9 will focus on the status of women in the Middle East and the governmental performance in the region in relevance to women rights and status. The recent years have witnessed many positive changes in this regard, but there remains a lot of work to be done, which is going to be outlined in this chapter. Chapter 10 will look into the role of oil and other natural sources in shaping the economic and political performance of Middle Eastern governments. Also, it will shed light on the various ways these governments distribute the revenues (rents) from these resources and how they use them, or don’t, in the development of their countries or, in most cases, on the military and state oppressive machine. Chapter 11 will examine the role of international organizations and trade agreements on the performance of governments and whether or not such factors influence or shape governance in the region. It is well-known that Turkey has changed many of its laws and social policies in response to the demands of EU members and in hopes of being admitted into the EU. The chapter will elaborate on this and similar cases throughout the region. Part II: Case Studies Chapter 12 will examine the case of Iraq. The country is experiencing perhaps the most dramatic scenarios of governance in the region. This chapter will shed light on the unfolding political process and the struggle of Iraqis to forge a path toward democracy in a region determined to resist any political change within its boundaries. Key issues: Power-sharing, pluralism, federalism, ethnic and sectarian conflict, trust-building, corruption and political violence. Chapter 13 will examine the case of Iran. Thirty years after the Islamic Revolution, Iran is entering into a soul-searching phase in its history. The ongoing battle between the reformers and the hardliners is only a sign on the larger problem of governance. A majority of Iranians have no personal recollection of the problems that led to the Revolution. It is vitally important that the government changes its claims to legitimacy from being the force that toppled the Shah to being the provider of prosperity and development of the country and its young population. Key issues: Political reform, human rights, reconciliation with the West, allocation of resources and services. Chapter 14 will examine the case of Egypt. The country is facing an unknown future with President Mubarak reaching advanced age. The debate over his succession is dividing the country in a dramatic way. Egypt is also a country with depleted infrastructure and an ever-shrinking middle class. If the country falls into a violent cycle after the looming departure of Mubarak, the entire region could fall into the abyss. Key issues: Succession of Mubarak, economic performance, services, religious extremism (Muslim Brotherhood) and Nationalism. Chapter 15 will examine the case of Israel. While politically different from its neighbors, Israel is sinking fast into the same problems that plague the Middle East. The country suffers political corruption and many leadership crises. The government is trying to redefine the identity of the state, which is going to create a showdown with the fast-growing non-Jewish Israeli population, and there is the problem of the government’s inability to conclude peace with Israel’s neighbors. Key issues: corruption, violence and security. Chapter 16 will examine the case of Saudi Arabia. The country is perhaps the most authoritarian regime in the world. The lack of individual liberties and abuses of human rights are the main problems. The government’s treatment of its Shia subjects (approx. 12% of the population) as second-class residents is extremely troubling. The country does not have a meaningful public participation and the Royals who run the government have no accountability to anyone. Key issues: human rights, religious freedom, political reform, public participation. Chapter 17 will examine the case of Bahrain. This small country in the Persian Gulf is facing many challenges. Like Iraq before 2003, it is a country with a clear Shia majority ruled by a small Sunni minority. The Shia are excluded from the government (they were allowed to run for the parliament in the last election for the first time), the military and many other important arenas. The government uses the naturalization of Sunnis as a political tool to change the demographic balance in the country. Key issues: political reform, popular participation, naturalization, human rights. Chapter 18 will examine the case of Yemen. The current struggle over government performance and fairness toward the South has given rise to the calls for separation of the two parts of Yemen. Also, there is the issue of religious freedom, which cases the ongoing war with the Houthi faction that accuses the government of making alliance with the Saudi government and the Sunni extremists in the country to form an existential threat to Shi’ism. Yemen is also a country with many ungoverned spaces and the governance in the "governed" areas is abysmal. Key issues: political violence, human and religious rights, terrorism, tribalism and poverty. Chapter 19 will examine the case of Turkey and its impressive rise as a model for a strong Muslim nation which tries to reconcile Islam and democracy. Turkey’s longstanding problems with social rights, especially of its 12 million Kurds, have always been a formidable challenge to the image of the nation. However, the country’s bid to join the EU has forced many changes that inadvertently helped the government’s international standing. Chapter 20 will examine the case of Syria and the influence of the Arab nationalist ideology on keeping the country as one of the most oppressive regimes in the region. Also examined will be the affect of Syrian-Israeli conflict on the country’s governance. Chapter 21 examines the case of Lebanon. This country which witnessed more governance challenges than any other in the region makes a very interesting case study. The country’s sectarian politics and the client-patron relations and loyalties among the various Muslim and Christian elements of society have undermined the country’s potential to become a fully democratic state. Chapter 22 will focus on the case of Sudan. This country has been in the center of world attention because of the internal conflict and the accusations of serious violations of human rights and the rise of separatist movements that receive much foreign sympathy and support. The country has missed many opportunities to attain social and political reconciliation, but it should not be considered a lost cause. There is a lot of potential in the country, especially when we consider the vibrant politics of government and opposition. Chapter 23 will examine the case of Jordan and the role of the uniqueness of the regime in creating relative social and political stability. Unlike the most of the governments in the region, the Jordanian Monarchy keeps the government as a convenient buffer between the Royals and the people. When popular sentiments turn very negative, the King, acting as the good cop, dismisses the government and orders the formation of a new one. Also, Jordan has achieved some good success in absorbing the Islamist groups into the political system, but not without challenges. The chapter will also focus on the Palestinian factor – Palestinians make more than half of the Jordanian population. Chapters 24, 25 & 26 will examine the Maghreb states (Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia). These states face many challenges in their governance: separatism, terrorism and the government oppressive history in Morocco; the Islamism challenge, internal war in the tribal areas and ethnic conflict in Algeria; and the stifling of personal freedom and liberties in Tunisia in the name of secularism and the war on extremism are all challenges that need to be highlighted in a chapter about each country. Chapter 27 will focus on governance in Libya. Having ruled the country for forty-seven years, the Libyan president is the dean of Middle Eastern dictators. He has taken his country though all kinds of political adventures. The rule through popular committees is a unique system that gives Col. Mu‘ammar Qadhafi the opportunity to oppress through popular participation and acquiescence. Chapter 28 will focus on the governance in the United Arab Emirates. This confederation of seven emirates has witnessed some excellent success in the economic and infrastructural development, especially in Dubai, which competes with the richest cities in the world, thanks to the energy and vision of its Emir, Muhammad b. Rashid. While it is generally considered much better than its fellow Gulf States, the UAE has its own challenges, especially in light of the absence of unified system of governance, because each emirate has the autonomy to shape its internal affairs. Chapter 29 will examine the governance and, in certain cases, lack thereof in the countries that form the Horn of Africa, i.e. Somalia, Eritrea and Djibouti. These countries face some tremendous challenges in the areas of refugees, resources, stability and ethnic & conflict. The failure of these states, as seen in the case of Somalia, can make the problems of security in the whole region much worse than it is now. Famine and anarchy have already led to wars, piracy and the flood of refugees, not to say much about the humanitarian catastrophes in the region. This chapter will highlight the problems of governance in these often forgotten countries. Chapter 30 will be a conclusion and final remarks on the general framework of the regional governance and the way forward. This book is aimed at a wide variety of audience. Policy makers, policy analysts, as well as journalists will benefit from the history and analysis that will be presented in the book. Also, academics will find in the book important materials for research and class work. Professors teaching courses on US Foreign policy, Middle East, International Relations, Comparative Politics and many related fields will find the book a very suitable choice for their students to read. Given the media and general public’s interest in the Middle East and the Middle East, the book will also appeal to a wide range of educated readers in the United States, the United Kingdom and many other countries world-wide.
Debates about global justice have traditionally fallen into two camps. Statists believe that principles of justice can only be held among those who share a state. Those who fall outside this realm are merely owed charity. Cosmopolitans, on the other hand, believe that justice applies equally among all human beings. On Global Justice shifts the terms of this debate and shows how both views are unsatisfactory. Stressing humanity's collective ownership of the earth, Mathias Risse offers a new theory of global distributive justice--what he calls pluralist internationalism--where in different contexts, different principles of justice apply. Arguing that statists and cosmopolitans seek overarching answers to problems that vary too widely for one single justice relationship, Risse explores who should have how much of what we all need and care about, ranging from income and rights to spaces and resources of the earth. He acknowledges that especially demanding redistributive principles apply among those who share a country, but those who share a country also have obligations of justice to those who do not because of a universal humanity, common political and economic orders, and a linked global trading system. Risse's inquiries about ownership of the earth give insights into immigration, obligations to future generations, and obligations arising from climate change. He considers issues such as fairness in trade, responsibilities of the WTO, intellectual property rights, labor rights, whether there ought to be states at all, and global inequality, and he develops a new foundational theory of human rights.
This book examines a wide range of governance reforms in the People's Republic of China, including administrative rationalization, divestiture of businesses operated by the military, and the building of anticorruption mechanisms, to analyze how China's leaders have reformed existing institutions and constructed new ones to cope with unruly markets, curb corrupt practices, and bring about a regulated economic order.
No scholar better exemplifies the intellectual challenges foisted on the Neorealist school of international relations than prominent scholar Stephen Krasner (Graham H. Stuart Professor of International Studies, the Senior Associate Dean for the Social Sciences, School of Humanities & Sciences, and Director of Policy Planning at the US State Department 2005-2007). Throughout his career he has wrestled with realism's promises and limitations. Krasner has always been a prominent defender of realism and the importance of power understood in material terms, whether military or economic. Yet realist frameworks rarely provided a complete explanation for outcomes, in Krasner's analyses, and much of his work involved understanding power's role in situations not well explained by realism. If states seek power, why do we see cooperation? If hegemony promotes cooperation why does cooperation continue in the face of America's decline? Do states actually pursue their national interests or do domestic structures and values derail the rational pursuit of material objectives? Krasner's explanations were as diverse as were the problems. They pushed, to use his phrase, "the limits of realism." Edited by Martha Finnemore and Judith Goldstein, Back to Basics asks scholars to reflect on the role power plays in contemporary politics and how a power politics approach is influential today. The arguments made by the authors in this volume speak to one of three themes that run through Krasner's work: state power and hegemony; the relationship between states and markets; conceptions of the nation state in international politics. These themes appeared regularly in Krasner's scholarship as he wrestled, over his career, with fundamental questions of inter-state politics. Contributors largely agree on the centrality of power but diverge substantially on the ways power is manifest and should be measured and understood. Many of the contributors confronted the same intellectual dilemmas as Krasner in struggling to define power and its relationship to interests, yet their responses are different. Together, these essays explore new ways of thinking about power's role in contemporary politics and demonstrate the concepts continued relevance for both policy and theory.
Since the late eighteenth century, academic engagement with political, economic, social, cultural and spatial changes in our cities has been dominated by theoretical frameworks crafted with reference to just a small number of cities. This book offers an important antidote to the continuing focus of urban studies on cities in ‘the Global North’. Urban Theory Beyond the West contains twenty chapters from leading scholars, raising important theoretical issues about cities throughout the world. Past and current conceptual developments are reviewed and organized into four parts: ‘De-centring the City’ offers critical perspectives on re-imagining urban theoretical debates through consideration of the diversity and heterogeneity of city life; ‘Order/Disorder’ focuses on the political, physical and everyday ways in which cities are regulated and used in ways that confound this ordering; ‘Mobilities’ explores the movements of people, ideas and policy in cities and between them and ‘Imaginaries’ investigates how urbanity is differently perceived and experienced. There are three kinds of chapters published in this volume: theories generated about urbanity ‘beyond the West’; critiques, reworking or refining of ‘Western’ urban theory based upon conceptual reflection about cities from around the world and hybrid approaches that develop both of these perspectives. Urban Theory Beyond the West offers a critical and accessible review of theoretical developments, providing an original and groundbreaking contribution to urban theory. It is essential reading for students and practitioners interested in urban studies, development studies and geography.
Leading specialists from Europe and Japan examine the institutional mechanisms of governance at the global level and provide concrete evidence of the role Japan plays in these institutions. An excellent introduction to the concept of global governance, the volume analyzes how global governance actually works through the global institutional mechanisms of governance. It provides an up-to-date and contemporary analysis of the six most important global institutions, namely: the Group of 7/8 the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development the World Bank the International Monetary Fund the World Trade Organization the United Nations. Written clearly and concisely, the book provides a thorough and accessible discussion on Japan’s role within these institutions and uses supporting case studies to ask whether Japan is reactively or proactively involved in trying to shape these institutions in order to promote its own interests. As such, it will be a valuable resource for undergraduates and scholars with an interest in global governance, Japanese politics and political economy.
In the past few years, numerous authors have highlighted the emergence of transnational climate initiatives, such as city networks, private certification schemes, and business self-regulation in the policy domain of climate change. While these transnational governance arrangements can surely contribute to solving the problem of climate change, their development by different types of sub- and non-state actors does not imply a weakening of the intergovernmental level. On the contrary, many transnational climate initiatives use the international climate regime as a point of reference and have adopted various rules and procedures from international agreements. Rethinking Authority in Global Climate Governance puts forward this argument and expands upon it, using case studies which suggest that the effective operation of transnational climate initiatives strongly relies on the existence of an international regulatory framework created by nation-states. Thus, this book emphasizes the centrality of the intergovernmental process clustered around the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and underscores that multilateral treaty-making continues to be more important than many scholars and policy-makers suppose. This book will be of great interest to students and scholars of global environmental politics, climate change and sustainable development.
This volume analyzes changing patterns of authority in the global political economy with an in-depth look at the new roles played by state and non-state actors, and addresses key themes including the provision of global public goods, new modes of regulation and the potential of new institutions for global governance.
The nature of global governance is changing, as are the standards by which we judge its legitimacy. We are witnessing a gradual and partial shift from inter-state co-operation to more complex forms of governance, involving participation by transnational actors, such as NGOs, party associations, philanthropic foundations and corporations.
A notable group of social scientists explore the political economy of good governance and how it relates to performance management, the influence of political parties, education and health issues in developing countries, the economic performance of transition economies, and the effects of climate on poverty.
Praised for its authoritative coverage of theory and history,Global Political Economyplaces the study of IPE in the broadest global context. Written by one of the field’s leading scholars, this text helps students understand the fundamental importance of international political economy and make sense of current events in the global economy. Its three areas of focus—globalization, North-North relations, and North-South relations—encourage students to connect theory and history with practice, explore domestic and international economic interactions, and examine the critical relationship between economic and security issues.
Regulation by public and private organizations can be hijacked by special interests or small groups of powerful firms, and nowhere is this easier than at the global level. In whose interest is the global economy being regulated? Under what conditions can global regulation be made to serve broader interests? This is the first book to examine systematically how and why such hijacking or "regulatory capture" happens, and how it can be averted. Walter Mattli and Ngaire Woods bring together leading experts to present an analytical framework to explain regulatory outcomes at the global level and offer a series of case studies that illustrate the challenges of a global economy in which many institutions are less transparent and are held much less accountable by the media and public officials than are domestic institutions. They explain when and how global regulation falls prey to regulatory capture, yet also shed light on the positive regulatory changes that have occurred in areas including human rights, shipping safety, and global finance. This book is a wake-up call to proponents of network governance, self-regulation, and the view that technocrats should be left to regulate with as little oversight as possible. In addition to the editors, the contributors are Kenneth Abbott, Samuel Barrows, Judith L. Goldstein, Eric Helleiner, Miles Kahler, David A. Lake, Kathryn Sikkink, Duncan Snidal, Richard H. Steinberg, and David Vogel.
The process of globalization, while not entirely new, has created new challenges for policymakers attempting to reap its benefits and manage its effects. This volume brings together work on global governance that examines these challenges and looks at the patterns of governance that emerge.
This book explores some of the opportunities and risks - economic, social and technological - that decision-makers will have to address, and outlines what needs to be done to foster society's capacity to manage its future more flexibly and with broader participation of its citizens.

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