In this thorough collection of inspiring and informed essays, Kim Moody, one of the world's most authoritative and recognized labor writers, analyzes the past, present, and future of unions in the United States. With a sharp understanding of Marxist theory and labor history, Moody charts a well-reasoned course for the future of rank-and-file struggle. Kim Moody was a founder of Labor Notes and is a member of the National Union of Journalists and a senior research fellow at the Work and Employment Unit of the University of Hertfordshire.
Wer glaubt, Karl Marx sei tot, der irrt. Die Krise des kapitalistischen Systems hat neues Interesse an seinen Ideen geweckt. Eric Hobsbawm, seit seiner Jugend überzeugter Marxist, zeigt, was wir noch heute von Marx lernen können. Ein Leben lang hat sich der Historiker aus Großbritannien mit den Widersprüchen beschäftigt, die seit der Finanzkrise selbst liberale Ökonomen am Weltbild eines schlichten Kapitalismus zweifeln lassen. Hobsbawms neues Buch zeigt, wie der Marxismus in den letzten 150 Jahren die angeblich alternativlosen Regeln der kapitalistischen Wirtschaft in Frage gestellt und widerlegt hat. In Hobsbawm hat Marx seinen souveränen Interpreten für das 21. Jahrhundert gefunden.
Fewer than 12 percent of U.S. workers belong to unions, and union membership rates are falling in much of the world. With tremendous growth in inequality within and between countries, steady or indeed rising unemployment and underemployment, and the marked increase in precarious work and migration, can unions still play a role in raising wages and improving work conditions? This book provides a critical evaluation of labor unions both in the U.S. and globally, examining the factors that have led to the decline of union power and arguing that, despite their challenges, unions still have a vital part to play in the global economy. Stephanie Luce explores the potential sources of power that unions might have, and emerging new strategies and directions for the growth of global labor movements, such as unions, worker centers, informal sector organizations, and worker co-operatives, helping workers resist the impacts of neoliberalism. She shows that unions may in fact be more relevant now than ever. This important assessment of labor movements in the global economy will be required reading for advanced undergraduates and graduate students of labor studies, political and economic sociology, the sociology of work, and social movements.
Democracy is very much an open question in the early twenty-first century. While voter participation declines in many traditional democracies, new movements for democracy are emerging around the world. This book brings the question of democracy out of the halls of political power and home to our daily lives, pitting "official democracy" and "democracy from below" against one another in a lively debate. For more information see www.democraticimagination.com.
Drei Dinge wissen wir: Der Kapitalismus hat den Feudalismus abgelöst; seither durchlief er zyklische Tiefs, spätestens seit 2008 stottert der Motor. Was wir nicht wissen: Erleben wir eine der üblichen Krisen oder den Anbruch einer postkapitalistischen Ordnung? Paul Mason blickt auf die Daten, sichtet Krisentheorien – und sagt: Wir stehen am Anfang von etwas Neuem. Er nimmt dabei Überlegungen auf, die vor über 150 Jahren in einer Londoner Bibliothek entwickelt wurden und laut denen Wissen und intelligente Maschinen den Kapitalismus eines Tages »in die Luft sprengen« könnten. Im Zeitalter des Stahls und der Schrauben, der Hierarchien und der Knappheit war diese Vision so radikal, dass Marx sie schnell in der Schublade verschwinden ließ. In der Welt der Netzwerke, der Kooperation und des digitalen Überflusses ist sie aktueller denn je. In seinem atemberaubenden Buch führt Paul Mason durch Schreibstuben, Gefängniszellen, Flugzeugfabriken und an die Orte, an denen sich der Widerstand Bahn bricht. Mason verknüpft das Abstrakte mit dem Konkreten, bündelt die Überlegungen von Autoren wie Thomas Piketty, David Graeber, Jeremy Rifkin und Antonio Negri und zeigt, wie wir aus den Trümmern des Neoliberalismus eine gerechtere und nachhaltigere Gesellschaft errichten können.
Victoria's Madmen is the story of those who were outcasts by temperament and choice; the non-conformists of the Victorian Age. Clive Bloom's readable account of the dark underbelly of Victoria's Britain captures the unrest bubbling under the surface of strait-laced Victorian society.
Allan Flanders was one of the leading British industrial relations academics and his ideas exerted a major influence on government labor policy in the 1960s and 1970s. But as well as being an Oxford academic with a strong interest in theory and labor reform, he was also a lifelong political activist. Originally trained in German revolutionary ethical socialism in the early 1930s, he was the founder and joint editor of Socialist Commentary, the leading outlet for ‘revisionist’ social democratic thinking in Britain in the 1950s and 1960s. He was also the leading figure in the influential 1950s ‘think tank’ Socialist Union and played a key part in the bitter factional struggles inside the Labour Party. The main argument of the book is that Flanders’ ethical socialist ideas constituted both his strength and his weakness. Their rigor, clarity and sweep enabled him to exert a major influence over government attempts to negotiate labor reforms with the trade unions. Yet he proved unable to explain the failure of the reforms amidst rising levels of industrial conflict, as his intellectual rigor turned into ideological rigidity. The failure of negotiated reform led to Margaret Thatcher’s neo-liberal assault on trade union power in the 1980s.
Non-manual workers are fast becoming the largest occupational category in Western capitalist countries. This is the first book to present a detailed socialist analysis of this much discussed change in the class structure of contemporary capitalism. Focusing on the class position of managerial and supervisory workers, Robert Carter takes as his starting-point the inadequacy of both orthodox Marxist and Weberian models of class relations. Rather, he concurs with recent structuralist theorists of class who maintain that there exists between capital and labour in the process of producing a new middle class. He parts company from the work of these theorists, however, in his insistence that the organisation and consciousness of the new middle class have also to be examined because of the practical consequences these have on class relations. The book therefore examines the historical rise of the middle class, both in the private and the state sector, together with the tendency of the class to respond to its changing relations with capital and labour by unionising. It is sharply critical of the dominant models of the causes and nature of white-collar unionism – both industrial relations and Weberian ones – and indeed rejects these models in favour of a perspective which views the extent and nature of middle-class unionism within the dynamics of class relations.
This book examines the socialists who introduced Marxism to France in the decades before the First World War.
This text, specifically for AQA specifications, is designed to be easy and encouraging for students to use. The book contains updated material and activities together with a new chapter on study skills. It also indicates clearly where activities meet the new evidence requirements for key skills.
Studie over het werk van de Franse socioloof en anarcho-syndicalistische activist Georges Sorel (1847-1922).
This collection analyses new forms and expressions of conflict at work under capitalism. Using theoretical and empirical approaches, it demonstrates an underlying historical continuity to new forms and expressions of conflict at work and a path dependency by country and culture.
Democracy in Europe has been a recent phenomenon. Only in the wake of World War II were democratic frameworks secured, and, even then, it was decades before democracy truly blanketed the continent. Neither given nor granted, democracy requires conflict, often violent confrontations, and challenges to the established political order. In Europe, Geoff Eley convincingly shows, democracy did not evolve organically out of a natural consensus, the achievement of prosperity, or the negative cement of the Cold War. Rather, it was painstakingly crafted, continually expanded, and doggedly defended by varying constellations of socialist, feminist, Communist, and other radical movements that originally blossomed in the later nineteenth century. Parties of the Left championed democracy in the revolutionary crisis after World War I, salvaged it against the threat of fascism, and renewed its growth after 1945. They organized civil societies rooted in egalitarian ideals which came to form the very fiber of Europe's current democratic traditions. The trajectories of European democracy and the history of the European Left are thus inextricably bound together. Geoff Eley has given us the first truly comprehensive history of the European Left--its successes and failures; its high watermarks and its low tides; its accomplishments, insufficiencies, and excesses; and, most importantly, its formative, lasting influence on the European political landscape. At a time when the Left's influence and legitimacy are frequently called into question, Forging Democracy passionately upholds its vital contribution.