In this study Clive Gamble presents and questions two of the most famous descriptions of change in prehistory. The first is the 'human revolution', when evidence for art, music, religion and language first appears. The second is the economic and social revolution of the Neolithic period. Gamble identifies the historical agendas behind 'origins research' and presents a bold alternative to these established frameworks, relating the study of change to the material basis of human identity. He examines, through artefact proxies, how changing identities can be understood using embodied material metaphors and in two major case-studies charts the prehistory of innovations, asking, did agriculture really change the social world? This is an important and challenging book that will be essential reading for every student and scholar of prehistory.
The "age of the democratic revolution" 1 in the Dutch Republic cul minated in two revolutions : the aborted Patriot Revolution of 1787 and the more successful Batavian Revolution of 1795. For the United Provinces that age had begun after a series of crises in 1747 and resulted in the un precedented establishment of a single individual in the office of chief executive in all of the component provinces. The new form which emerged from the foreign and domestic threats of midcentury was that of a hereditary Stadhouder in the House of Orange. That family had served the Dutch state in varying capacities and with disparate consequences from its inception in the Revolt of the sixteenth century, through the triumphs of the Golden Era, to the less glorious days of the Periwig Period. The accession of William IV in 1747, his early death followed by a lengthy regency from 1752, and the accession of his son, William V, as "eminent head" of each province and chief officer of the Generality in 1766, all brought forth renewed scrutiny of the family and the offices of the Princes of Orange in the political life of the Republic. Those who were most critical of the new powers of the Stadhouderate and most desirous of reducing the dangers they saw threatening the state from the aggrandizement of that office, came to usurp the nearly exclusive use of the hoary title of Patriot.
This narrative chronicles Libya's, and to a vast extent Muammar Gaddafi's, remarkable past, meteoric rise to prominence, and convoluted reign, and introduces potential scenarios that may play out in the near term. • Covers Libya from its ancient beginnings to the present in one easily readable volume • Provides a complete history of Gaddafi's Libya and its revolution, including the historical antecedents, Gaddafi's rise to power, his reign, and his fall during the Arab Spring • Offers projections about the post-Gaddafi era and prospects for Libya going forward • Brings together the perspectives and insights of two authors with distinct yet complementary backgrounds • Offers scholars and professors the detail they seek without intimidating the undergraduate or general reader
In this stimulating study, Juan R. I. Cole challenges traditional elite-centered conceptions of the conflict that led to the British occupation of Egypt in 1882. For a year before the British intervened, Egypt's government and the country's influential European community had been locked in a struggle with the nationalist supporters of General Ahmad 'Urabi. Although most Western observers still see the 'Urabi movement as a 'revolt' of junior military officers with only limited support among the Egyptian people, Cole maintains that it was a full-scale revolution with a broad social base. While arguing this fresh point of view, he also proposes a theory of revolution against informal or neocolonial empires, drawing parallels between Egypt in 1882, the early twentieth-century Boxer Rebellion in China, and the Islamic Revolution in modern Iran. In a thorough examination of the changing Egyptian political culture from 1858 through the 'Urabi episode, Cole shows how various social strata--urban guilds, the intelligentsia, and village notables--became 'revolutionary.' Addressing issues raised by such scholars as Barrington Moore and Theda Skocpol, his book combines four complementary approaches: social structure and its socioeconomic context, organization, ideology, and the ways in which unexpected conjunctures of events help drive a revolution. "The resulting account of the origins of the 1881-82 revolution is original and persuasive. The book will make a significant contribution to the comparative study of social revolution, in particular by explaining how neocolonial revolutions differ from the kinds of revolution previous theorists have studied." --Timothy P. Mitchell, New York University
This masterful comparative history traces the West’s revolutionary tradition and its culmination in the Communist revolutions of the twentieth century. Unique in breadth and scope, History’s Locomotives offers a new interpretation of the origins and history of socialism as well as the meanings of the Russian Revolution, the rise of the Soviet regime, and the ultimate collapse of the Soviet Union. History’s Locomotives is the masterwork of an esteemed historian in whom a fine sense of historical particularity never interfered with the ability to see the large picture. Martin Malia explores religious conflicts in fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Europe, the revolutions in England, American, and France, and the twentieth-century Russian explosions into revolution. He concludes that twentieth-century revolutions have deep roots in European history and that revolutionary thought and action underwent a process of radicalization from one great revolution to the next. Malia offers an original view of the phenomenon of revolution and a fascinating assessment of its power as a driving force in history.
Forty years after Col. Gaddafi's Libyan Revolution cut Libya off from the outside world, scrubbed out Western lettering and turned the country against the US, Libya has changed its outlook, renounced nuclear weapons and reopened itself to Western cruise ships and tourists. Gaddafi is still in power. Nicholas Hagger, an eyewitness of the events of the 1969 Revolution and plans for a rival coup, predicted at the time that Gaddafi would still be in power 40 years later. He narrates the story of the first year of the Revolution, identifies its aims and considers if they have been achieved. Before the Revolution he wrote a weekly two-page feature in a Libyan English-language newspaper under the byline the Barbary Gipsy. His timeless and poetic views of Libya's sea, sand and Roman ruins in these articles are reprinted in an Appendix. This is a memoir and a portrait of western Libya. The places visited have changed little as a return visit in 2001 established. This book is required reading for all visitors to Libya today.
In a study that compares the major attempts at genocide in world history, Robert Melson creates a sophisticated framework that links genocide to revolution and war. He focuses on the plights of Jews after the fall of Imperial Germany and of Armenians after the fall of the Ottoman as well as attempted genocides in the Soviet Union and Cambodia. He argues that genocide often is the end result of a complex process that starts when revolutionaries smash an old regime and, in its wake, try to construct a society that is pure according to ideological standards.
State structures, international forces, and class relations: Theda Skocpol shows how all three combine to explain the origins and accomplishments of social-revolutionary transformations. Social revolutions have been rare but undeniably of enormous importance in modern world history. States and Social Revolutions provides a new frame of reference for analyzing the causes, the conflicts, and the outcomes of such revolutions. It develops a rigorous, comparative historical analysis of three major cases: the French Revolution of 1787 through the early 1800s, the Russian Revolution of 1917 through the 1930s, and the Chinese Revolution of 1911 through the 1960s. Believing that existing theories of revolution, both Marxist and non-Marxist, are inadequate to explain the actual historical patterns of revolutions, Skocpol urges us to adopt fresh perspectives. Above all, she maintains that states conceived as administrative and coercive organizations potentially autonomous from class controls and interests must be made central to explanations of revolutions.
Discusses the causes and development of the political unrest in El Salvador and examines the involvement of the Church and revolutionary organizations in the conflict
The most comprehensive study of ideology and utopia since Karl Mannheim's work of the 1930s, Utopia and Revolution can be understood as turning classical political theory on its head or, perhaps, inside out. Instead of the usual summary of how English radical theologies contributed to the revolutionary process, Lasky shows how such political theology of the mid-seventeenth century became the backbone of the natural history of revolutionary disasters. In a remarkable feat of scholarship in intellectual history, Lasky charts the course of this historic entanglement over some five turbulent centuries of Western history. In so doing, he traces the ideological extension of the human personality through the writings of political theorists, philosophers, poets, and historians.
Now in a revised and updated edition with added original chapters, this acclaimed book provides an interdisciplinary perspective on the complex links between revolutionary struggles and human rights. Covering events as far removed from one another as the English Civil War, the Parisian upheavals of 1789, Latin American independence struggles, and protests in late twentieth-century China, the contributors explore the paradoxes of revolutions that have both helped spur new advances in thinking about human rights and produced regimes that commit a range of abuses. Exploring the changes over time in conceptions of human rights in Western and non-Western contexts, this work offers a unique window into the history of the modern world and a fresh context for understanding today's pressing issues.
To examine the long-run origins of democracy and dictatorship, Brian Downing focuses on the importance of medieval political configurations and of military modernization in the early modern period. He maintains that in late medieval times an array of constitutional arrangements distinguished Western Europe from other parts of the world and predisposed it toward liberal democracy. He then looks at how medieval constitutionalism was affected by the "military revolution" of the early modern era--the shift from small, decentralized feudal levies to large standing armies. Downing won the American Political Science Association's Gabriel Almond Award for the dissertation on which this book was based.
In this comparative study of the guerrilla movements of Latin America, the author explores the origins and outcomes of rural insurgencies in cases since 1956. Focusing on the personal backgrounds of guerrilla leaders, the book explores why some groups acquired greater military strength than others.
The work of Barrington Moore, Jr., is one of the landmarks of modern social science. A distinguished roster of contributors here discusses the influence of his best-known work, Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy. Their individual perspectives combine in delineating Moore's contributions to the transformation of comparative and historical social science over the past several decades. The essays in Democracy, Revolution, and History all address substantive and methodological problems, asking questions about the different historical paths toward democratic or nondemocratic political outcomes. Following Moore's example, they use well-researched comparative cases to make their arguments. In the process, they demonstrate how vital Moore's work remains to contemporary research in the social sciences. This volume points, as well, to new frontiers of scholarship, suggesting lines of work that build upon Moore's achievements.
This is a comprehensive study of the formative years of the Argentine Radical Party.

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