Why religion fell off the radar in Australia - and how it can get back on At the time of Federation 98% of Australians identified themselves as Christians. Now only 8% say they regularly go to Church. What's changed? How did Australia become a post-Christian nation and what part did the Churches play in their own decline? Author Roy Williams (God, Actually, In God they trust?) has long been an impassioned defender of Christianity. Here, he tackles the decline of the church head on, acknowledging that in many cases, inflexibility, negativity and a refusal to listen have led to a tarnished image. But he also argues that Australia had a long and often misunderstood Christian heritage. And without it, he says, we will become a society with no moral centre, a community where rampant materialism is the only rule. Offering a bold roadmap for the Church to change, Williams challenges atheists, agnostics and true believers to a genuinely open debate about the force of faith.
Conversations about gender, both inside and outside the church, can frequently degenerate into stale and rancorous disputes in which predictable arguments are traded back and forth, or fade awkwardly away into the tense silences of mutual misunderstanding. But the issue is an important one, and calls for a better conversation than either of those alternatives. In September 2015, Morling College hosted a one-day symposium entitled The Gender Conversation. A rich and diverse mix of contributors met to discuss issues of gender, theology, and Christian living, within a shared framework of evangelical conviction. Our aim in hosting the symposium was to deepen mutual understanding and respect, highlight common ground, clarify points of difference, and unite us all in a quest to learn from the Scriptures and live in the light of the gospel. This book brings together the papers presented at the symposium and the contributors' responses to one another, as a resource for further reflection and discussion.
How did the concept of the secular state emerge and evolve in Australia and how has it impacted on its institutions? This is the most comprehensive study to date on the relationship between religion and the state in Australian history, focusing on the meaning of political secularity in a society that was from the beginning marked by a high degree of religious plurality. This book tracks the rise and fall of the established Church of England, the transition to plural establishments, the struggle for a public Christian-secular education system, and the eventual separation of church and state throughout the colonies. The study is unique in that it does not restrict its concern with religion to the churches but also examines how religious concepts and ideals infused apparently secular political and social thought and movements making the case that much Australian thought and institution building has had a sacral-secular quality. Social welfare reform, nationalism, and emerging conceptions of citizenship and civilization were heavily influenced by religious ideals, rendering problematic traditional linear narratives of secularisation as the decline of religion. Finally the book considers present day pluralist Australia and new understandings of state secularity in light of massive social changes over recent generations.
This edited volume is about the Australian difference and how Australia's economic and social policy has diverged from the approach of other countries. Australia seems to be following a 'special path' of its own that it laid down more than a century ago. Australia's distinctive bent is manifested in a tightly regulated labour market; a heavy reliance on means testing and income taxation; a geographical centralization of political power combined with its dispersal amongst autonomous authorities, and electoral singularities such as compulsory and preferential voting. In seeking to explain this Australian Exceptionalism, the book covers a diverse range of issues: the strength and weakness of religion, democratic and undemocratic tendencies, the poverty of public debate, the role of elites, the exploitation of Australian sports stars, the politics of railways, the backwardness of agriculture, deviation from the Westminster system, the original encounter between European and Aboriginal cultures, and the heavy taxation of tobacco. Bringing together contributions from economists, economic historians, and political scientists, the volume seeks to understand why Australia is different. It offers a range of explanations from the 'historical legacy', to material factors, historical chance, and personalities.
A Nation under God? is a collection of original essays by political and legal theorists on the future of religion as an active influence in American public life. This book displays a distinctive set of arguments on topics that range from the ethics of religious witness in public life to the future of civil religion in America.
The increasing significance and visibility of relationships between religion and public arenas and institutions following the fall of communism in Europe provide the core focus of this fascinating book. Leading international scholars consider the religious and political role of Christian Orthodoxy in the Russian Federation, Romania, Georgia and Ukraine alongside the revival of old, indigenous religions, often referred to as 'shamanistic' and look at how, despite Islam’s long history and many adherents in the south, Islamophobic attitudes have increasingly been added to traditional anti-Semitic, anti-Western or anti-liberal elements of Russian nationalism. Contrasts between the church’s position in the post-communist nation building process of secular Estonia with its role in predominantly Catholic Poland are also explored. Religion, Politics and Nation-Building in Post-Communist Countries gives a broad overview of the political importance of religion in the Post-Soviet space but its interest and relevance extends far beyond the geographical focus, providing examples of the challenges in the spheres of public, religious and social policy for all transitional countries.
One of the foremost chroniclers of the contemporary black experience offers an undeluded perspective on the 1980s. Here are crack, AIDS, and the Reagan rollback of the major advances of the civil rights movement. But Nelson George also shows how black performers, athletes, and activists made increasing inroads into the mainstream. This fast-paced, chronological retrospective profiles personalities from Bill Cosby to Louis Farrakhan and explores such flashpoints as the first rap single and the infamous Willie Horton ad campaign. On the web: http://www.nelsongeorge.com/
The preamble to the post-apartheid South African constitution states that ‘South Africa belongs to all who live in it, united in our diversity’ and promises to ‘lay the foundations for a democratic and open society in which government is based on the will of the people and every citizen is equally protected by law’ and to ‘improve the quality of life of all citizens’. This would seem to commit the South African government to, amongst other things, the implementation of policies aimed at fostering a common sense of South African national identity, at societal dev- opment and at reducing of levels of social inequality. However, in the period of more than a decade that has now elapsed since the end of apartheid, there has been widespread discontent with regard to the degree of progress made in connection with the realisation of these constitutional aspirations. The ‘limits to liberation’ in the post-apartheid era has been a theme of much recent research in the ?elds of sociology and political theory (e. g. Luckham, 1998; Robins, 2005a). Linguists have also paid considerable attention to the South African situation with the realisation that many of the factors that have prevented, and are continuing to prevent, effective progress towards the achievement of these constitutional goals are linguistic in their origin.
This book argues that religious affiliation was the most influential shaper of communal identity in the Ottoman era.
Bob Woodward, die Ikone des investigativen Journalismus in den USA, hat alle amerikanischen Präsidenten aus nächster Nähe beobachtet. Nun nimmt er sich den derzeitigen Präsidenten vor und enthüllt den erschütternden Zustand des Weißen Hauses unter Donald Trump. Woodward beschreibt, wie dieser Präsident Entscheidungen trifft, er berichtet von eskalierenden Debatten im Oval Office und in der Air Force One, dem volatilen Charakter Trumps und dessen Obsessionen und Komplexen. Woodwards Buch ist ein Dokument der Zeitgeschichte: Hunderte Stunden von Interviews mit direkt Beteiligten, Gesprächsprotokolle, Tagebücher, Notizen – auch von Trump selbst – bieten einen dramatischen Einblick in die Machtzentrale der westlichen Welt, in der vor allem eines herrscht: Furcht. Woodward ist das Porträt eines amtierenden amerikanischen Präsidenten gelungen, das es in dieser Genauigkeit noch nicht gegeben hat.
One Nation Under God? is a remarkable consideration of how religion manifests itself in America today.
The 1980 S And After Has Created A Typical Post-Modern Anxiety With The Advent Of Salman Rushdie As An Influential Diaspora Writer. This Book Is Conceptualized Around A Series Of Topics Like Post-Modern Anxiety, Identity, Politics, National And Self-Definition, The Problem Of Exile And Diaspora, And An Interest To Examine The Way Indian English Literature Has Established Itself And Set Up As A Separate Discipline. While The Bright And Brilliant Promises About Indian English Literature Rejuvenate Us, Some Pertinent Questions Hang Above Us Related To Our Identity, Historiography And The Political And National Affiliation Of A Writer. Does The Absence Of A National Identity Affect The Tone Of A Creative Writer And The Mindset Of His Readers As Well? Does The Post-Colonial Space Invite And Initiate The Indian English Writers And The Diaspora Writers To Take Their Self And National Identity As The Metaphor Of Their Creativity? How Do They Define And Justify Themselves? What Do They Mean By Indianness, Nation And Narration, Women Issues, Subaltern Conditions, Nativism, Post-Colonialism, Post-Modernism, And Essentialism? What Are Their Literary And Extra-Literary Concerns? Do They Succeed In Giving A Clear Image To The Indigenous Culture And The Narrative Traditions Of India? What Linguistic And Stylistic Innovations Are Being Introduced By The Post-Colonial Writers? This Book Is A Humble Attempt To Point Out Some Of These Issues By The Editor And The Contributors.The Present Analytical Study Will Prove An Ideal Reference Book To Students, Researchers And Teachers Of Indian English Literature.
Einzigartig und fesselnd erzählt der renommierte Oxford-Historiker Nicholas Stargardt in ›Der Deutsche Krieg‹ aus der Nahsicht, wie die Deutschen – Soldaten, Lehrer, Krankenschwestern, Nationalsozialisten, Christen und Juden – den Zweiten Weltkrieg durchlebten. Tag für Tag erleben wir mit, worauf sie hofften, was sie schockierte, worüber sie schwiegen und wie sich ihre Sicht auf den Krieg allmählich wandelte. Gestützt auf zahllose Tagebücher und Briefe, unter anderem von Heinrich Böll und Victor Klemperer, Wilm Hosenfeld und Konrad Jarausch, gelingt Nicholas Stargardt ein Blick in die Köpfe der Menschen, der deutlich macht, warum so viele Deutsche noch an die nationale Sache glaubten, als der Krieg längst verloren war und die Gewissheit wuchs, an einem Völkermord teilzuhaben. Ein verstörendes Kaleidoskop der Jahre 1939 bis 1945 im nationalsozialistischen Deutschland. »Ein Meisterwerk der Geschichtsschreibung, das die ›Vogelperspektive‹ nahtlos mit einer Mikrogeschichte dieser verhängnisvollen Periode des 20. Jahrhunderts verbindet.« Jan T. Gross »Erstmals wird die Chronologie der Stimmung, der Hoffnungen und Befürchtungen (...) der deutschen Bevölkerung während des Krieges wirklich sichtbar. Eine eindrucksvolle, fesselnde Darstellung.« Mark Roseman »Hervorragend geschrieben und in seiner Argumentation überzeugend, ist dieses Buch ein Muss.« Saul Friedländer
Liberalism is dying—despite its superficial appearance of vigor. Most of its adherents still believe it is the wave of the future, but they are clinging to a sinking dream. So says Melvyn L. Fein, who argues that liberalism has made countless promises, almost none of which have come true. Under its auspices, poverty was not eliminated, crime did not diminish, the family was not strengthened, education was not improved, nor was universal peace established. These failures were not accidental; they flow directly from liberal contradictions. In Post-Liberalism, Fein demonstrates why this is the case. Fein contends that an "inverse force rule" dictates that small communities are united by strong forces, such as personal relationships and face-to-face hierarchies, while large-scale societies are integrated by weak forces, such as technology and social roles. As we become a more complex techno-commercial society, the weak forces become more dominant. This necessitates greater decentralization, in direct opposition to the centralization that liberals celebrate. Paradoxically, this suggests that liberalism, as an ideology, is regressive rather than progressive. If so, it must fail. Liberals assume that some day, under their tutelage, these trends will be reversed, but this contradicts human nature and history’s lessons. According to Fein, we as a species are incapable of eliminating hierarchy or of loving all other humans with equal intensity. Neither, as per Emile Durkheim, are we able to live in harmony without appropriate forms of social cohesion.
The song 'God Bless America' has come to inhabit our collective consciousness. This book tells the fascinating story behind the song, from its composition in 1918 by Irving Berlin, to its first performance by Kate Smith in 1938, to its post 9/11 popularity.
Behold, the nations are as a drop of a bucket, and are counted as the small dust of the balance...Isaiah 40:15 A fascinating title from creationist icon Henry Morris Perfect for Christians who focus on apologetics Focuses on a rare, but important topic: God's plan for individual countries In the Bible, we see the interest God has in humans and their cultures. In the Old and New Testaments, the Hebrew and Greek words for "nations" occurs 720 times. Many of the nations that were given land and resources during Bible times have now passed into history, such as the Assyrians, Babylonians, and Hittites. We also know from secular history that civilizations like the Aztecs and Greeks are also largely removed from the scene. All this is due to those nations rejection of God’s laws. Indeed, of the 200 nations in existence today, only a handful actively seek God.
The news media was driving everyone crazy. It started with Y2K, then the Bush/Gore presidential election controversy, the Clinton pardons, the September 11th attacks, and the anthrax letters. Wars subsequently ensued against Afghanistan, the Taliban, Al Qaeda, and Iraq, but not without fierce exchanges with the United Nations. Sex and financial scandals erupted involving the Catholic Church and Wall Street. Massive layoffs, soaring debt and skyrocketing college tuition added to these. The media never missed a beat. Was there no escaping them? The Nation's Capitol in commemorating last years September 11th attacks, was also preparing for an upcoming mayoral election. The current incumbent was expected to breeze toward reelection, but what followed seemed like a page out of William Shakespeare's Comedy of Errors. This prompted a virtual unknown to launch a comedy contest to provide some comic relief for the city from this onslaught of negative news. Only four contestants remained to compete for the prize money. However, only Archie Harris, one of the four finalists showed up at the finale. More bad news? What will happen now? Find out by reading Post-9/11 African American Style, Laughter, Still Da Best Medicine.

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