Riot, Rebellion and Popular Politics in Early Modern England reassesses the relationship between politics, social change and popular culture in the period c. 1520-1730. It argues that early modern politics needs to be understood in broad terms, to include not only states and elites, but also disputes over the control of resources and the distribution of power. Andy Wood assesses the history of riot and rebellion in the early modern period, concentrating upon: popular involvement in religious change and political conflict, especially the Reformation and the English Revolution; relations between ruler and ruled; seditious speech; popular politics and the early modern state; custom, the law and popular politics; the impact of literacy and print; and the role of ritual, gender and local identity in popular politics.
The Memory of the People is a major new study of popular memory in the early modern period.
Early modern England was marked by profound changes in economy, society, politics and religion. It is widely believed that the poverty and discontent which these changes often caused resulted in major rebellion and frequent 'riots'. Whereas the politics of the people have often been described as a 'many-headed monster'; spasmodic and violent, and the only means by which the people could gain expression in a highly hierarchical society and a state that denied them a political voice, the essays in this collection argue for the inherently political nature of popular protest through a series of studies of acts of collective protest, up to and including the English Revolution.
Trevor Noah kam 1984 im Township Soweto als Sohn einer Xhosa und eines Schweizers zur Welt. Zu einer Zeit, da das südafrikanische Apartheidsregime „gemischtrassige“ Beziehungen weiterhin unter Strafe stellte. Als Kind, das es nicht geben durfte, erlebte er Armut und systematischen Rassismus, aber auch die mutige Auflehnung seiner "farbenblinden" Eltern, die einfallsreich versuchten, Trennungen zwischen Ethnien und Geschlechtern zu überwinden. Heute ist er ein international gefeierter Comedian, der die legendäre "The Daily Show" in den USA leitet und weltweit – ob Sydney, Dubai, Toronto, San Francisco oder Berlin – in ausverkauften Sälen auftritt. In "Farbenblind" erzählt Trevor Noah ebenso feinsinnig wie komisch in achtzehn Geschichten von seinem Aufwachsen in Südafrika, das den ganzen Aberwitz der Apartheid bündelt: warum ihn seine Mutter aus einem fahrenden Minibus warf, um Gottes Willen zu erfüllen, welche Musik er für einen tanzenden Hitler aufzulegen pflegte, um sein erstes Geld zu verdienen, und wie ihn eine Überwachungskamera, die nicht einmal zwischen Schwarz und Weiß unterscheiden konnte, vor dem Gefängnis bewahrte.
»Hari vereint präzise Recherche mit einer zutiefst menschlichen Erzählung. Dieses Buch wird eine dringend notwendige Debatte auslösen.« Glenn Greenwald Der Krieg gegen die Drogen gilt inzwischen als gescheitert, der Handel mit Drogen ist ein blühendes Geschäft, alle Maßnahmen gegen den Konsum sind weitgehend erfolglos. Woran liegt das? Der britische Journalist Johann Hari begibt sich auf eine einzigartige Reise – von Brooklyn über Mexiko bis nach Deutschland – und erzählt die Geschichten derjenigen, deren Leben vom immerwährenden Kampf gegen Drogen geprägt ist: von Dealern, Süchtigen, Kartellmitgliedern, den Verlierern und Profiteuren. Mit seiner grandiosen literarischen Reportage schreibt Hari sowohl eine Geschichte des Krieges gegen Drogen als auch ein mitreißendes und streitbares Plädoyer zum Umdenken. »Hervorragender Journalismus, packend erzählt.« Naomi Klein »Phantastisch!« Noam Chomsky
Ende 1936 kam Orwell als Zeitungsreporter nach Barcelona, um über den Bürgerkrieg zu berichten. Er schloß sich der Miliz P.O.U.M. an, der Arbeiterpartei der marxistischen Einigung, und kämpfte den Winter über an der Front in Aragonien. Als er wenig später mit ansehen mußte, wie die Kommunisten bei der Ausschaltung der ihnen nicht genehmen Truppen Methoden der faschistischen Geheimpolizei anwandten, wurde er zu einem der erbittertsten Feinde des sowjetischen Totalitarismus.
This concise and accessible book explores the history of gender in England between 1500 and 1700. Amidst the political and religious disruptions of the Reformation and the Civil War, sexual difference and gender were matters of public debate and private contention. Laura Gowing provides unique insight into gender relations in a time of flux, through sources ranging from the women who tried to vote in Ipswich in 1640, to the dreams of Archbishop Laud and a grandmother describing the first time her grandson wore breeches. Examining gender relations in the contexts of the body, the house, the neighbourhood and the political world, this comprehensive study analyses the tides of change and the power of custom in a pre-modern world. This book offers: Previously unpublished documents by women and men from all levels of society, ranging from private letters to court cases A critical examination of a new field, reflecting original research and the most recent scholarship In-depth analysis of historical evidence, allowing the reader to reconstruct the hidden histories of women Also including a chronology, who’s who of key figures, guide to further reading and a full-colour plate section, Gender Relations in Early Modern England is ideal for students and interested readers at all levels, providing a diverse range of primary sources and the tools to unlock them.
How law and governance operated in medieval England - and whether contemporaries saw justice in its operations - have long generated scholarly discussions. 13 scholars, established and younger figures, historians and literary analysts, offer their new views in this volume.
The story of the reign of Charles I - through the lives of his people. Prize-winning historian David Cressy mines the widest range of archival and printed sources, including ballads, sermons, speeches, letters, diaries, petitions, proclamations, and the proceedings of secular and ecclesiastical courts, to explore the aspirations and expectations not only of the king and his followers, but also the unruly energies of many of his subjects, showing how royal authority was constituted, in peace and in war - and how it began to fall apart. A blend of micro-historical analysis and constitutional theory, parish politics and ecclesiology, military, cultural, and social history, Charles I and the People of England is the first major attempt to connect the political, constitutional, and religious history of this crucial period in English history with the experience and aspirations of the rest of the population. From the king and his ministers to the everyday dealings and opinions of parishioners, petitioners, and taxpayers, David Cressy re-creates the broadest possible panorama of early Stuart England, as it slipped from complacency to revolution.
This book argues that Shakespeare was permanently preoccupied with the brutality, corruption, and ultimate groundlessness of the political order of his state, and that the impact of original Tudor censorship, supplemented by the relatively depoliticizing aesthetic traditions of later centuries, have together obscured the consistent subversiveness of his work. Traditionally, Shakespeare’s political attitudes have been construed either as primarily conservative, or as essays in richly imaginative ambiguation, irreducible to settled viewpoints. Fitter contends that government censorship forced superficial acquiescence upon Shakespeare in establishment ideologies — monarchic, aristocratic and patriarchal — that were enunciated through rhetorical set pieces, but that Shakespeare the dramatist learned from Shakespeare the actor a variety of creative methods for sabotaging those perspectives in performance in the public theatres. Using historical contextualizations and recuperation of original performance values, the book argues that Shakespeare emerged as a radical writer not in middle age with King Lear and Coriolanus — plays whose radicalism is becoming widely recognized — but from his outset, with Henry VI and Taming of the Shrew. Recognizing Shakespeare’s allusiveness to 1590s controversies and dissident thought, and recovering the subtextual politics of Shakespeare’s distinctive stagecraft reveals populist, at times even radical meaning and a substantially new, and astonishingly interventionist, Shakespeare.
This volume offers an integrated set of local studies exploring the gendering of political activities across a variety of sites ranging from print culture, courts, government and philanthropic bodies and public spaces, outlining how a particular activity was constituted as political and exploring how this contributed to a gendered concept of citizenship. The comparative and transnational perspectives revealed through combining such work contributes to establishing new knowledge about the relationship between gender, citizenship and the development of the modern town in Northern Europe.
Die Ehre der Zaren und Zarinnen reichte weit, und es gab zahllose Moglichkeiten, sie zu verletzen. Wer sich am Aufruhr beteiligte, ohne Erlaubnis das Land verliess oder uber die Herrscher und Herrscherinnen schlecht redete, stand in der Hierarchie der Verbrechen ganz oben. Der repressive Umgang mit diesen als Ausdruck von Dissens verstandenen Verhaltensweisen hat dem fruhneuzeitlichen Zarenreich vielfach den Ruf einer dem zeitgenossischen Europa fremden Despotie eingetragen. Die aktuellen Fragen der Kriminalitatsgeschichte, der vergleichende Blick und vor allem die Quellen revidieren dieses Urteil: Herrschaft wurde im vormodernen Russland anders vermittelt als in Mittel- und Westeuropa, aber sie war nicht weniger konsensabhangig. Wo die Anklage wegen Verrats oder Majestatsbeleidigung den Bewegungsspielraum der Untertanen einschrankte, traf sie auf Verweigerung und subtile Gegenwehr. Unter diesen Bedingungen verlangte die Mobilisierung der Bevolkerung fur die Verfolgung der Majestatsverbrechen von der Autokratie erhebliche Kompromisse und die standige Bereitschaft zu Belohnung und Kompensation. Der Erfolg blieb dennoch begrenzt: Die Anzeigepraxis der Untertanen richtete sich uber weite Strecken nach den Massgaben der eigenen Ehre und der sozialen Loyalitat statt nach den Vorschriften der Obrigkeit. Die in Prozessakten reich dokumentierte verbale Majestatsbeleidigung spiegelt Herrscherbilder und Selbstbilder, die das Klischee vom "naiven Monarchismus" im Zarenreich nachhaltig widerlegen.
'Community' and 'justice' recur in anthropological, historical, and legal scholarship, yet as concepts they are notoriously slippery. Historians and lawyers look to anthropologists as 'community specialists', but anthropologists often avoid the concept through circumlocution: although much used (and abused) by historians, legal thinkers, and political philosophers, the term remains strikingly indeterminate and often morally overdetermined. 'Justice', meanwhile, is elusive, alternately invoked as the goal of contemporary political theorizing, and wrapped in obscure philosophical controversy. A conceptual knot emerges in much legal and political thought between law, justice, and community, but theories abound, without any agreement over concepts. The contributors to this volume use empirical case studies to unpick threads of this knot. Local codes from Anglo-Saxon England, north Africa, and medieval Armenia indicate disjunctions between community boundaries and the subjects of local rules and categories; processes of justice from early modern Europe to eastern Tibet suggest new ways of conceptualizing the relationship between law and justice; and practices of exile that recur throughout the world illustrate contingent formulations of community. In the first book in the series, Legalism: Anthropology and History, law was addressed through a focus on local legal categories as conceptual tools. Here this approach is extended to the ideas and ideals of justice and community. Rigorous cross-cultural comparison allows the contributors to avoid normative assumptions, while opening new avenues of inquiry for lawyers, anthropologists, and historians alike.
Jenseits unseres Sonnensystems Ihr Job ist eigentlich reine Routine: in den äußeren Bereichen des Sonnensystems die Meteoriten nach verborgenen Schätzen zu durchsuchen und diese zur Erde bringen. Doch als sie auf dem Saturnmond Janus auf ein außerirdisches Artefakt stoßen, beginnt für die Crew des Minenschiffs das Abenteuer ihres Lebens – denn dieses Artefakt ist in der Lage, die Raumzeit zu sprengen und das Universum, wie wir es kennen, völlig zu verändern.
In Civil War, Peter Ackroyd continues his dazzling account of England's history, beginning with the progress south of the Scottish king, James VI, who on the death of Elizabeth I became the first Stuart king of England, and ends with the deposition and flight into exile of his grandson, James II. The Stuart dynasty brought together the two nations of England and Scotland into one realm, albeit a realm still marked by political divisions that echo to this day. More importantly, perhaps, the Stuart era was marked by the cruel depredations of civil war, and the killing of a king. Ackroyd paints a vivid portrait of James I and his heirs. Shrewd and opinionated, the new King was eloquent on matters as diverse as theology, witchcraft and the abuses of tobacco, but his attitude to the English parliament sowed the seeds of the division that would split the country in the reign of his hapless heir, Charles I. Ackroyd offers a brilliant – warts and all – portrayal of Charles's nemesis Oliver Cromwell, Parliament's great military leader and England's only dictator, who began his career as a political liberator but ended it as much of a despot as 'that man of blood', the king he executed. England's turbulent seventeenth century is vividly laid out before us, but so too is the cultural and social life of the period, notable for its extraordinarily rich literature, including Shakespeare's late masterpieces, Jacobean tragedy, the poetry of John Donne and Milton and Thomas Hobbes' great philosophical treatise, Leviathan. Civil War also gives us a very real sense of the lives of ordinary English men and women, lived out against a backdrop of constant disruption and uncertainty.
Mit verbundenen Augen saß Wael Ghonim, Marketingchef von Google, 12 Tage im Gefängnis der ägyptischen Staatspolizei. Kaum war er wieder frei, wurden ihm vor laufender Kamera Bilder von getöteten Demonstranten gezeigt. Er brach in Tränen aus. Der Widerstand hatte ein neues Gesicht. Zum ersten Mal erzählt Ghonim von seinem Kampf gegen die ägyptische Regierung nach der Ermordung des Bloggers Khaled Said. Während der Protestbewegung gegen Präsident Mubarak gründete er die Facebook-Gruppe »We are all Khaled Said«, wo er zu Demonstrationen gegen das Regime aufrief. Zwei Wochen später trat Mubarak zurück. Wael Ghonim erklärt, warum eine Revolution in Ägypten unausweichlich war und was man daraus lernen kann: Er liefert die Blaupause dafür, wie wir Dinge verändern können – bis zur Revolution 2.0.

Best Books