One of the half dozen most important books ever written about the American Revolution.--New York Times Book Review "During the nearly two decades since its publication, this book has set the pace, furnished benchmarks, and afforded targets for many subsequent studies. If ever a work of history merited the appellation 'modern classic,' this is surely one.--William and Mary Quarterly "[A] brilliant and sweeping interpretation of political culture in the Revolutionary generation.--New England Quarterly "This is an admirable, thoughtful, and penetrating study of one of the most important chapters in American history.--Wesley Frank Craven
Mention the phrase Homeland Security and heated debates emerge about state uses and abuses of legal authority. This timely book is a comprehensive treatise on the constitutional and legal history behind the power of the modern state to police its citizens. Dubber explores the roots of the power to police—the most expansive and least limitable of governmental powers—by focusing on its most obvious and problematic manifestation: criminal law. He argues that the defining characteristics of this power, including the inability to accurately define it, reflect its origins in the discretionary and virtually limitless patriarchal power of the householder over his household. The paradox of patriarchal police power as the most troubling yet least scrutinized of governmental powers can begin to be resolved by subjecting this branch of government to the critical analysis it merits. Dubber shows us that the question must become how can the police power and criminal law together serve the goals of social equity that define and give direction to contemporary democratic societies? This book goes to the heart of this neglected but crucial topic.
The Founding Fathers of the United States of America created the first free people in modern times. They wrote a new kind of Constitution which is now the oldest in existence. They built a new kind of commonwealth designed as a model for the whole human race. They believed it was thoroughly possible to create a new kind of civilization; giving freedom, equality, and justice to all. The Founders created a new cultural climate that gave wings to the human spirit. They built a free-enterprise culture to encourage industry and prosperity. They gave humanity the needed ingredients for a gigantic 5,000-year leap in which more progress has been made in the past 200 years than all of prior recorded human history. All of this came about because of 28 basic principles the Founders discovered, upon which all free nations must be built in order to succeed. This eBook includes the original index, footnotes, table of contents and page numbering from the printed format, and also new illustrations.
Simon P. Newman vividly evokes the celebrations of America's first national holidays in the years between the ratification of the Constitution and the inauguration of Thomas Jefferson. He demonstrates how, by taking part in the festive culture of the streets, ordinary American men and women were able to play a significant role in forging the political culture of the young nation. The creation of many of the patriotic holidays we still celebrate coincided with the emergence of the first two-party system. With the political songs they sang, the liberty poles they raised, and the partisan badges they wore, Americans of many walks of life helped shape a new national politics destined to replace the regional practices of the colonial era.
English summary: The Federalist Papers are not only the intellectual underpinning of the US constitution but also its most important commentary. In it, Alexander Hamilton, James Madison and John Jay combine democracy and representation, two concepts which had previously been regarded as mutually exclusive. Their ideas first made it possible to achieve democracy not only on a small scale but in a large continental state with a diverse population. Beatrice Brunhober however not only introduces the Federalist Papers into the academic discussion, a work on par with European classics of constitutional theory but for the most part overlooked in Germany, she analyzes the Federalist Papers and demonstrates how political decision-making by means of democratic representation are even possible in a pluralistic society. She furthermore establishes the foundations for an understanding of representation that neither requires the existence of a preceding entity, such as an ethnic people, nor is aimed at the incarnation of a specific concept, such as a presumed public benefit, and thus paves the way for the idea of democratic representation beyond the nation state. German description: Die Federalist Papers sind nicht nur das Credo der US-amerikanischen Verfassung, sondern auch ihr wichtigster Kommentar. In ihnen verknupften Alexander Hamilton, James Madison und John Jay die bis dahin als Gegensatze geltenden Ideen von Demokratie und Reprasentation. Damit wurde es moglich, Demokratie nicht nur im Kleinstaat, sondern auch in einem ausgedehnten Flachenstaat mit einer vielfaltigen Bevolkerung zu verwirklichen. Die Untersuchung von Beatrice Brunhober geht uber die Rezeption dieses Werkes, das den europaischen Klassikern der Verfassungstheorie ebenburtig ist, hinaus. So zeigt die Autorin in ihrer fundierten Analyse der Federalist Papers auf, wie demokratische Reprasentation einheitliche politische Entscheidungen in einer pluralistischen Gesellschaft uberhaupt erst ermoglicht. Sie ebnet mit ihren Grundlagenuberlegungen zudem den Weg fur eine Idee demokratischer Reprasentation jenseits des Nationalstaates.
Roger Sherman was the only founder to sign the Declaration and Resolves (1774), Articles of Association (1774), Declaration of Independence (1776), Articles of Confederation (1777, 1778), and Constitution (1787). Roger Sherman and the Creation of the American Republic explores Sherman's political theory and shows how it informed his many contributions to America's founding. Contrary to oft-repeated assertions by jurists and scholars that the founders advocated a strictly secular polity, Mark David Hall argues persuasively that most founders believed Christianity should play an important role in the new American republic.
In pursuit of a more sophisticated and inclusive American history, the contributors to Beyond the Founders propose new directions for the study of the political history of the republic before 1830. In ways formal and informal, symbolic and tactile,
Citing the examples of American revolutions and movements during which ordinary citizens collectively worked to bring about change, a social commentary evaluates the potential power of everyday people to become a deciding force in the nation's political process. By the author of The War at Home.
Wenige Fragestellungen haben in der aktuellen geschichts- und sozialwissenschaftlichen Debatte soviel Aufmerksamkeit auf sich ziehen können, wie jene, die auf spezifische Identitäten und Erinnerungskulturen abzielt. Wenn man sich diesem Themenkreis annähert, dann wird – vor allem in genuin geschichtswissenschaftlicher Perspektive – sehr schnell deutlich, dass der phänomenologische, der schlicht beschreibende Zugriff nicht hinreicht, dass vielmehr nach den absichtsvoll eingesetzten Strategien und Methoden solcher Identitäts- und Erinnerungsstiftung zu fragen ist. Hier mit dem Begriff der Kohäsionskräfte zu hantieren, poetisch davon zu reden, „was die Welt im Innersten zusammenhält“, hat den großen Vorzug, sich auf ein gegenstands-, epochen- und territorienübergreifendes Phänomen einlassen zu dürfen: Das postsowjetische Russland kommt dabei neben den USA und dem Freistaat Bayern zu stehen; die politischen Erinnerungskulturen in Frankreich nach 1871 und in Deutschland nach 1918 geraten zu Parallelerscheinungen; das Gedenken an zwei Nationalheroen in Deutschland und Italien wird nebeneinandergestellt und schließlich wird das Musikdrama ebenso auf seine Kohäsionsqualität befragt wie die Konsumfixierung in der alten Bundesrepublik.
How do parties respond to the electorate and craft winning strategies? In the abstract parties are the vehicles to make democracy work, but it is often difficult to see the process working as well as we think it might. Indeed, voters often struggle to see parties as the valuable vehicles of representation that so many academics describe. There is a clear discrepancy between the ideal expressed in many textbooks and the reality that we see playing out in politics. Noted scholar Jeffrey Stonecash gives us a big picture analysis that helps us understand what is happening in contemporary party politics. He explains that parties behave the way they do because of existing political conditions and how parties adapt to those conditions as they prepare for the next election. Parties are unsure if realignment has stabilized and just what issues brought them their current base. Does a majority support their positions and how are they to react to ongoing social change? Is the electorate paying attention, and can parties get a clear message to those voters? This book focuses on the challenges parties face in preparing for future elections while seeking to cope with current conditions. This coping leads to indecisiveness of positioning, simplification of issues, repetition of messages, and efforts to disparage the reputation of the opposing party. Stonecash sheds much needed light on why parties engage in the practices that frustrate so many Americans.
Unlike most works in constitutional theory, which focus on the role of the courts, this book, first published in 2006, addresses the role of legislatures in a regime of constitutional democracy. Bringing together some of the world's leading constitutional scholars and political scientists, the book addresses legislatures in democratic theory, legislating and deliberating in the constitutional state, constitution-making by legislatures, legislative and popular constitutionalism, and the dialogic role of legislatures, both domestically with other institutions and internationally with other legislatures. The book offers theoretical perspectives as well as case studies of several types of legislation from the United States and Canada. It also addresses the role of legislatures both under the Westminster model and under a separation of powers system.
The Freedoms We Lost is an ambitious historical analysis of the American revolution that reinterprets the gains and losses experienced by ordinary Americans and challenges the easy narrative that subsumes the growth of “freedom” into the story of the American nation. Esteemed historian Barbara Clark Smith proposes that many ordinary Americans were in fact more free on the eve of Revolution than they were two decades later.
First published in 1990, Laws, Men and Machines is an original interpretation of the lasting influence that Newtonian mechanics has had on the design and operation of the American political system. The author argues that it is this mechanistic tradition that now instinctively shapes the way we conceive of, analyse, and evaluate American politics, and that the Newtonian conception of the world still finds expression in the 'checks and balances' of the American system.
In The Republic in Print, Trish Loughran challenges a dominant narrative about nationalism: the idea that print culture produces nations. Focusing on the years between 1770 and 1870, Loughran develops two richly detailed and provocative arguments. First she argues that it was the lack of national infrastructure (rather than a tightly connected print network) that enabled the nation to be imagined between 1776 and 1790. She then describes how the increasingly connected book market of the 1830s, 1840s, and 1850s worked to exacerbate regional differences in ways that contributed to secession and civil war. Drawing on a range of literary, historical, and archival materials, The Republic in Print is a refreshing and original cultural history of the early American nation-state.
Pillars of the Republic is a pioneering study of common-school development in the years before the Civil War. Public acceptance of state school systems, Kaestle argues, was encouraged by the people's commitment to republican government, by their trust in Protestant values, and by the development of capitalism. The author also examines the opposition to the Founding Fathers' educational ideas and shows what effects these had on our school system.
The Oxford Handbook of the American Revolution draws on a wealth of new scholarship to create a vibrant dialogue among varied approaches to the revolution that made the United States. In thirty-three essays written by authorities on the period, the Handbook brings to life the diverse multitudes of colonial North America and their extraordinary struggles before, during, and after the eight-year-long civil war that secured the independence of thirteen rebel colonies from their erstwhile colonial parent. The chapters explore battles and diplomacy, economics and finance, law and culture, politics and society, gender, race, and religion. Its diverse cast of characters includes ordinary farmers and artisans, free and enslaved African Americans, Indians, and British and American statesmen and military leaders. In addition to expanding the Revolution's who, the Handbook broadens its where, portraying an event that far transcended the boundaries of what was to become the United States. It offers readers an American Revolution whose impact ranged far beyond the thirteen colonies. The Handbook's range of interpretive and methodological approaches captures the full scope of current revolutionary-era scholarship. Its authors, British and American scholars spanning several generations, include social, cultural, military, and imperial historians, as well as those who study politics, diplomacy, literature, gender, and sexuality. Together and separately, these essays demonstrate that the American Revolution remains a vibrant and inviting a subject of inquiry. Nothing comparable has been published in decades.
This spirited analysis--and defense--of American liberalism demonstrates the complex and rich traditions of political, economic, and social discourse that have informed American democratic culture from the seventeenth century to the present. The Virtues of Liberalism provides a convincing response to critics both right and left. Against conservatives outside the academy who oppose liberalism because they equate it with license, James T. Kloppenberg uncovers ample evidence of American republicans' and liberal democrats' commitments to ethical and religious ideals and their awareness of the difficult choices involved in promoting virtue in a culturally diverse nation. Against radical academic critics who reject liberalism because they equate it with Enlightenment reason and individual property holding, Kloppenberg shows the historical roots of American liberals' dual commitments to diversity, manifested in institutions designed to facilitate deliberative democracy, and to government regulations of property and market exchange in accordance with the public good. In contrast to prevailing tendencies to simplify and distort American liberalism, Kloppenberg shows how the multifaceted virtues of liberalism have inspired theorists and reformers from Thomas Jefferson and James Madison through Jane Addams and John Dewey to Martin Luther King, Jr., and then explains how these virtues persist in the work of some liberal democrats today. Endorsing the efforts of such neo-progressive and communitarian theorists and journalists as Michael Walzer, Jane Mansbridge, Michael Sandel, and E. J. Dionne, Kloppenberg also offers a more acute analysis of the historical development of American liberalism and of the complex reasons why it has been transformed and made more vulnerable in recent decades. An intelligent, coherent, and persuasive canvas that stretches from the Enlightenment to the American Revolution, from Tocqueville's observations to the New Deal's social programs, and from the right to worship freely to the idea of ethical responsibility, this book is a valuable contribution to historical scholarship and to contemporary political and cultural debates.
The Greek Tradition in Republic Thought completely rewrites the standard history of republican political theory. It excavates an identifiably Greek strain of republican thought which attaches little importance to freedom as non-dependence and sees no intrinsic value in political participation. This tradition's central preoccupations are not honour and glory, but happiness (eudaimonia) and justice - defined, in Plato's terms, as the rule of the best men. This set of commitments yields as startling readiness to advocate the corrective redistribution of wealth, and even the outright abolition of private property. The Greek tradition was revived in England during the early sixteenth century and was broadly influential throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Its exponents included Sir Thomas More, James Harrington, Montesquieu and Thomas Jefferson, and it contributed significantly to the ideological underpinnings of the American Founding as well as the English Civil Wars.
"Both the sources he employs and the scope of his study set his work apart from all that have precede it...The first study of New England preaching to span the entire colonial period...very important book." - Journal of American History "Simply breathtaking in scope. No one else has dared to grapple with the full sweep of Puritan preaching form the founding of New England through the American Revolution." - Nathan O. Hatch, University of Notre Dame "A massive achievement will stand as the definitive work on this important subject." - Reviews in American History "Impressive, imaginative, sensible, and lucid." - Donald G. Matthews, University of North Carolina and Chapel Hill "[Stout] has created a field of scholarship hitherto neglected - the manuscript sermon as a source of religious culture in colonial times. More than that, he has shown the extent to which sermon notes add to our knowledge of the times, notably for the period of the Great Awakening. And he has done so with great insight." - New England Quarterly "So soundly based on exhaustive research and so lucid in presentation, that even its most surprising conclusions carry conviction. An impressive achievement." - Daniel Walker Howe, author of What Hath God Wrought: The Transformation of America, 1815-1848 "One of the most impressive studies of Puritan New England society to appear in this century....Throughout the work, Stout enriches, supplements and revises much of the current knowledge about colonial New England. His language, which is both precise and playful, makes the volume a delight to read." -The Historian "Will surely become a benchmark in the study of early American history and culture." -Journal of the American Academy of Religion