By now, we've all heard about the shocking redistribution of wealth that's occurred during the last thirty years, and particularly during the last decade. But economic changes like this don't occur in a vacuum; they're always linked to politics. The Twilight of Equality?searches out these links through an analysis of the politics of the 1990s, the decade when neoliberalism-free market economics-became gospel. After a brilliant historical examination of how racial and gender inequities were woven into the very theoretical underpinnings of the neoliberal model of the state, Duggan shows how these inequities play out today. In a series of political case studies, Duggan reveals how neoliberal goals have been pursued, demonstrating that progressive arguments that separate identity politics and economic policy, cultural politics and affairs of state, can only fail. Ultimately,The Twilight of Equality? not only reveals how the highly successful rhetorical maneuvers of neoliberalism have functioned but, more importantly, it shows a way to revitalize and unify progressive politics in the U.S. today.
Spätestens als Lehman Brothers im September 2008 Insolvenz anmelden mußte, hatte es für einen kurzen Moment den Anschein, als habe die letzte Stunde des Neoliberalismus geschlagen: Nachdem das Mantra vom Markt und von der Privatisierung seit den siebziger Jahren in aller Munde war, sollten nun die Regierungen eingreifen, um systemrelevante Banken zu retten. Die Kompetenz der Wirtschaftsführer stand massiv in Frage. Heute, nur drei Jahre später, bekommen die Manager wieder riesige Boni. Zur Refinanzierung der Rettungspakete werden Sozialleistungen gekürzt. Die Logik des radikalen Wettbewerbs und des unternehmerischen Selbst prägt nach wie vor unsere Mentalität. Wie ist das möglich? Diese Frage stellt Colin Crouch in seinem großen neuen Essay. Der Autor des vielbeachteten Bestsellers »Postdemokratie« zeichnet die Ideengeschichte des Neoliberalismus nach und betont, daß der Konflikt Staat vs. Markt zu kurz greift: Es sind die gigantischen transnationalen Konzerne, unter denen die Demokratie »und« das Marktmodell leiden. Doch wir können uns wehren, indem wir uns auf unsere Werte und unsere Macht als Verbraucher besinnen. Das ist Crouchs optimistische Vision einer sozialen und demokratischen Marktwirtschaft.
Ein Gespräch über Freiheit und Internet
"Postdemokratie": Dieser Begriff des Politikwissenschaftlers Colin Crouch wurde nach dem Erscheinen der Originalausgabe seines Buches zum Kristallisationspunkt der Debatte um Politikverdrossenheit, Sozialabbau und Privatisierung. Crouch hat dabei ein politisches System im Auge, dessen demokratische Institutionen zwar weiterhin formal existieren, das von Bürgern und Politikern aber nicht länger mit Leben gefüllt wird. Der polemische Essay, der in Italien und Großbritannien bereits als Klassiker der Gegenwartsdiagnose gilt, liegt nun endlich auch in deutscher Übersetzung vor.
Neoliberalismus ist eine Doktrin. Sie besagt, dass der Markt an sich eine Ethik darstellt und in der Lage ist, alles menschliche Tun und Trachten in die richtigen Bahnen zu lenken. Seit rund dreißig Jahren ist der Neoliberalismus aber auch politische Praxis, und viel ist darüber schon publiziert worden. Doch David Harvey legt mit diesem Buch das "lebendigste, lesenswerteste, verständlichste und kritischste Handbuch über den Neoliberalismus vor, das es derzeit gibt". (Leo Panitch, Professor für vergleichende politische Ökonomie an der York-Universität in Toronto) Harvey rekapituliert die Geschichte des Neoliberalismus, wobei nicht nur die allgemein bekannten "Pioniere" Thatcher und Reagan zu Ehren kommen, sondern auch das neoliberale "Modellland" Chile (unter Diktator Pinochet) oder das China des Deng Xiaoping. Er beschreibt den rasanten globalen Siegeszug der neoliberalen politischen Praxis in den 90er-Jahren und analysiert deren verheerende Auswirkungen in den meisten Ländern des Globus. Er zeigt aber auch anhand zahlreicher Beispiele, wie mit Zahlenmaterial gemogelt wird, um den "Erfolg" des Neoliberalismus zu beweisen. Nach diesem Buch wird das nicht mehr so einfach möglich sein.
"Henry Giroux's essay awakens us to the ways new media proliferate and circulate images and ideas of terror that order our lives, pervert our pedagogy, delimit our democracy. Recommended reading for anyone who wants to comprehend our times, our politics, our possibilities." --David Theo Goldberg, University of California, Irvine "Henry Giroux is one of the sharpest cultural critics today. His new book is an important intervention on media and spectacles. It shows us the depth of the dark side, only to conclude that the same media may be deployed in recovery against the social fragmentation caused by fear and consumerism, which is essential to bringing the country back to the path of decency and justice." --Arif Dirlik, University of Oregon Prominent social critic Henry Giroux explores how new forms of media are challenging the very nature of politics in his most poignant and striking book to date. The emergence of the spectacle of terror as a new form of politics raises important questions about how fear and anxiety can be marketed, how terrorism can be used to recruit people in support of authoritarian causes, and how the spectacle of terrorism works in an age of injustices, deep insecurities, disembodied social relations, fragmented communities, and a growing militarization of everyday life. At the same time, the new media such as the Internet, digital camcorders, and cell phones can be used to energize sites of resistance, provide alternative public spheres, pluralize political struggles, and expand rather than close down democratic relations. Giroux considers what conditions and changes are necessary to reinvigorate democracy in light of these new challenges. Radical Imagination Series
Through the prism of intimacy, Burleigh sheds light on eighteenth and early-nineteenth-century American texts. This insightful study shows how the trope of the family recurred to produce contradictory images - both intimately familiar and frighteningly alienating - through which Americans responded to upheavals in their cultural landscape.
Although formally equal, relations between citizens are actually characterised by many and varied forms of inequality. Do contemporary theories of equality provide an adequate response to the inequalities that afflict contemporary societies? And what is the connection between theories of equality and the contemporary politics of citizenship? Accessible and comprehensive, Rethinking equality provides a clear, critical and very up-to-date account of the most important contemporary egalitarian theories. Unusually, it also relates these theories to contemporary political practice, assessing them in relation to the impact of neoliberalism on contemporary welfare states, and the shift from 'social' to 'active' forms of citizenship. As well as representing a significant intervention within academic debates on equality and citizenship, this book represents essential reading for students of contemporary political theory.
Much of the writing on the post-9/11 period in the United States has focused on the role of "official" Government rhetoric about 9/11. Those who have focused on the news media have suggested that they played a key role in (re)defining the nation, allowing the citizenry to come to terms with 9/11, in providing ‘official’ understandings and interpretations of the event, and setting the terms for a geo-political-military response (the war on terror). However, strikingly absent from post-9/11 writing has been discussion on the role of sport in this moment. This text provides the first, book-length account, of the ways in which the sport media, in conjunction with a number of interested parties – sporting, state, corporate, philanthropic and military – operated with a seeming collective affinity to conjure up nation, to define nation and its citizenry, and, to demonize others. Through analysis of a variety of cultural products – film, children’s baseball, the Super Bowl, the Olympics, reality television – the book reveals how, in the post-9/11 moment, the sporting popular operated as a powerful and highly visible pedagogic weapon in the armory of the Bush Administration, operating to define ways of being American and thus occlude other ways of being.
What do we mean when we talk about 'queer teachers'? The authors here grapple with what it means to be sexually or gender diverse and to work as a school teacher within four national contexts: Australia, Ireland, the UK and the USA. This new volume offers academics, educators and students a provocative exploration of this pivotal topic.
2008 Winner, MLA First Book Prize Charting the proliferation of forms of mourning and memorial across a century increasingly concerned with their historical and temporal significance, Arranging Grief offers an innovative new view of the aesthetic, social, and political implications of emotion. Dana Luciano argues that the cultural plotting of grief provides a distinctive insight into the nineteenth-century American temporal imaginary, since grief both underwrote the social arrangements that supported the nation’s standard chronologies and sponsored other ways of advancing history. Nineteenth-century appeals to grief, as Luciano demonstrates, diffused modes of “sacred time” across both religious and ostensibly secular frameworks, at once authorizing and unsettling established schemes of connection to the past and the future. Examining mourning manuals, sermons, memorial tracts, poetry, and fiction by Harriet Beecher Stowe, William Apess, James Fenimore Cooper, Catharine Maria Sedgwick, Susan Warner, Harriet E. Wilson, Herman Melville, Frances E. W. Harper, Frederick Douglass, Abraham Lincoln, Elizabeth Keckley, and Ralph Waldo Emerson, Luciano illustrates the ways that grief coupled the affective body to time. Drawing on formalist, Foucauldian, and psychoanalytic criticism, Arranging Grief shows how literary engagements with grief put forth ways of challenging deep-seated cultural assumptions about history, progress, bodies, and behaviors.
The book from the interdisciplinary fields of queer theory, critical race theory, feminist political theory, disability studies, and indigenous studies to demonstrate that analyzing contemporary notions of citizenship requires understanding the machinations of governmentality and biopolitics in the (re)production of the proper citizen.
The past two decades witnessed the rise of television entertainment in China. Although television networks are still state-owned and Party-controlled in China, the ideological landscape of television programs has become increasingly diverse and even paradoxical, simultaneously subservient and defiant, nationalistic and cosmopolitan, moralistic and fun-loving, extravagant and mundane. Studying Chinese television as a key node in the network of power relationships, therefore, provides us with a unique opportunity to understand the tension-fraught and , paradox-permeated conditions of Chinese post-socialism. This book argues for a serious engagement with television entertainment. rethinking, It addresses the following questions. How is entertainment television politically and culturally significant in the Chinese context? How have political, industrial, and technological changes in the 2000s affected the way Chinese television relates to the state and society? How can we think of media regulation and censorship without perpetuating the myth of a self-serving authoritarian regime vs. a subdued cultural workforce? What do popular televisual texts tell us about the unsettled and reconfigured relations between commercial television and the state? The book presents a number of studies of popular television programs that are sensitive to the changing production and regulatory contexts for Chinese television in the twenty-first century. As an interdisciplinary study of the television industry, this book covers a number of important issues in China today, such as censorship, nationalism, consumerism, social justice, and the central and local authorities. As such, it will appeal to a broad audience including students and scholars of Chinese culture and society, media studies, television studies, and cultural studies.
This book reflects on 'the political' in queer theory and politics by revisiting two of its key categories: hegemony and heteronormativity. It explores the specific insights offered by these categories and the ways in which they augment the analysis of power and domination from a queer perspective, whilst also examining the possibilities for political analysis and strategy-building provided by theories of hegemony and heteronormativity. Moreover, in addressing these issues the book strives to rethink the understanding of the term "queer", so as to avoid narrowing queer politics to a critique of normative heterosexuality and the rigid gender binary. By looking at the interplay between hegemony and heteronormativity, this ground-breaking volume presents new possibilities of reconceptualizing 'the political' from a queer perspective. Investigating the effects of queer politics not only on subjectivities and intimate personal relations, but also on institutions, socio-cultural processes and global politics, this book will be of interest to those working in the fields of critical theory, gender and sexuality, queer theory, postcolonial studies, and feminist political theory.
Anthropologist Elizabeth A. Povinelli theorizes intimate relations as sites which bring into view the interplay between liberalism's contradictory ideals of freedom and constraint.